Maori geographical knowledge and mapping: a synopsis

Turnbull Library Record, Volume XIII, Issue 1, 1 May 1980, Page 5

Maori geographical knowledge and mapping: a synopsis

P. L. BARTON

The purpose of this essay is to examine Maori geog-raphical knowledge and the ability to construct ‘mental maps’ and to review any evidence that these ‘mental maps’ were transcribed on non-permanent media for the instruction of other Maoris. Maps which were drawn by Maoris for Europeans between 1769 and 1859 are examined in detail.

New Zealand and the Chatham Islands were probably discovered and settled by migrants from eastern Polynesia about 1,000 years ago. The settlers, the ancestors of the present Maori people, needed to explore their new home to locate sources of food and raw materials for the construction of artifacts. It is clear that the settlers were thorough and determined explorers, from the widespread distribution of rock types such as chert (from the North and South Islands), obsidian (from Great Barrier, Mayor Island and the North Island) argillite (D’Urville Island and Nelson) nephrite (West Coast, South Island), serpentine (Dart Valley), and bowenite (Anita Cove, Milford Sound) in former Maori occupational sites throughout New Zealand. New Zealand’s difficult terrain, with heavy rain forests in the North Island and on the West Coast of the South Island, extensive mountain ranges and fast flowing rivers, provided formidable obstacles to travel. For the Maoris of the South Island, faced with a climate less favourable to agriculture than in the North Island, extensive travel to seasonal food sources was necessary and they soon acquired an extensive geographical knowledge which they were able to pass on to the early European explorers and surveyors.

The Maori developed an extensive topographical nomenclature and physical features were given names that were practical or descriptive or commemorated events. Through their well-developed memories this topographical nomenclature enabled them to develop a geographical locational framework or ‘mental map’. Two investigators of another primitive culture, Spink and Moodie, in their study of Eskimo maps from the Eastern Arctic, comment that

The facility for naming was useful in the development of cartographic ability among the Inuit (Eskimo). The names became focal points in the organised directional schema made available to the individual. A nominal realism in which the name is part of the essence of the object helped in creating a ‘mental map’, the

scheme of reference points for orientation. Thus the extensive place-name systems were the precursors of mapping, for the verbal representation of topography is less demanding than the visual representation which necessitates a greater use of unfamiliar symbolism. 1

The ability of the Maori to conceptualise a ‘mental map’ probably came from his Polynesian ancestors. Through their long period of exploration and settlement in the Pacific the Polynesians developed a knowledge of astronomy and oceanic navigation and the evidence suggests that they were able to conceptualise geographical reference frameworks. 2 Tupaia was able to give Cook considerable information in 1769 on the location of islands in the Tahitian region. 3 ’ 4 The Eskimo constructed primitive maps for the instruction of his fellows, drawn in outline on sand or snow, but there is no direct evidence that the Maori drew similar maps for other Maoris in dust or sand or with charcoal on rock or wood. No maps carved on trees or drawn on tree bark are recorded, and no map rock pictograms are known. 5 All of these methods, except for tree carvings, were used by the Eskimo and Amerindians. 6 ’ 7> 8 Maoris drew maps for Cook, Thomson and Hochstetter in non-permanent media 9 ’ 10 ’ 11 which indicates that they had some familiarity with this method of drawing maps. Spink and Moodie note (p. 21) that there was a strong linkage between place naming and the charts drawn by Eskimos.

Indeed the charts must have been created to serve largely as vehicles for place-names, though these were never inscribed upon them, except in the case of a few late examples like those collected by the Thule Expedition. The map served as a mnemonic device during the relating of stories or the description of intended routes, for the outline drawn in the sand or snow was unimportant when compared with the names and stories given as various locations were reached in the drawing process. The progressive drawing of the map recalled the features in the mind of the narrator, and the naming fixed them in the memory of his observer.

Mnemonic aids were used by the Maori but no maps similar to those of the Eskimo are known. G. L. Adkin an amateur ethnographer and reliable recorder was convinced ‘that the topography of the [Tararua] range was known in great detail, in far greater detail than has been commonly supposed, but that the bulk of that detailed knowledge is now lost’. 12 Adkin was also an amateur cartographer and a keen tramper and he knew the mountain range very well. Maoris living on both sides of the range visited it for food gathering and it was crossed by war parties. Other areas of New Zealand were probably known equally well. Maoris were able to give Europeans geographical information about the country and they were also able to act as guides for missionaries, explorers and surveyors.

On 31 January 1770, at Queen Charlotte Sound, Cook was given the following geographical information by an aged Maori male: After I had thus prepar’d the way for setting up the post we took it up to the highest part of the Island and after fixing it fast in the ground hoisted thereon the Union flag and I dignified this Inlet with the name of Queen Charlottes Sound and took formal possession of it and the adjacent lands in the name and for the use of His Majesty, we then drank Her Majestys hilth in a Bottle of wine and gave the empty bottle to the old man (who had attended us up the hill) with which he was highly pleased. Whilest the post was seting up we asked the old man about the Strait or passage into the Eastern Sea and he very plainly told us that there was a passage and as I had some conjectors that the lands to the sw of this strait (which we are now at) was an Island and not part of a continent we questioned the old man about it who said that it consisted of two Wannuaes, that is two lands or Islands that might be circumnavigated in a few days, even in four. This man spoke of three lands, the two above mentioned which he call’d Tovy-poenammu which signifies green Talk or stone such as the[y] Make their tools on, oramints &c and for the third he pointed to the land on the East side of the Strait, this he said was a large land and that it would take up a great many moons to sail round it, or some thing to the same purpose —this he called Aeheino mouwe a name m[an]y others before had call’d it by, that part which borders on the strait he calld Teirawhitte. 13

Maoris were able to guide missionaries and surveyors during their travels through New Zealand last century: Colenso over the Huiarau Range in December 1841 and the Ruahine Range in February 1845 14 ; Selwyn over the Raukumara Range in December 1842 15 ; Brunner down the Buller River to the West Coast and return via the Grey, Inangahua and Buller Rivers between December 1846 and June 1848 16 ; Harper over Harper Pass as far as Awarua (Big) Bay and back between October 1857 and January 1858. 17 These are only some of the Europeans who were guided on journeys by Maoris.

Mountain passes in the main divide between the West Coast and Canterbury and Otago were known to the Maoris on both sides of the divide. Wilson recorded geographical information from nine Maoris aged between 32 and 97 who were then living at the Makawhio River, South Westland. 18 Wilson was told that the following mountain passes were known and used: Ada, Harper, Arthur’s, Haast, Maori, Hollyford—known but not used were Worsley, Browning and Whitcombe. 19 The Maoris were vague as to the order of discovery of the passes —Wilson records Browning followed by Harper. Wilson states that the Harper, Browning and Whitcombe Passes were known to Canterbury Maoris. 20 Browning Pass is shown quite clearly on a Maori map of the Rakaia River system prepared circa 1860 either for J. von Haast or acquired by him. 21 Haast was also informed of a pass to the West Coast by an aged Maori at Waitemate Bush in January 1863. 22 This pass might have been either Haast or Maori Pass. The latter was known to Otago Maoris. 23 ’ 24> 25

Maps were drawn by Maoris for Europeans. Known examples are listed in chronological sequence.

1769: Maori chiefs for Captain Cook at Whitianga Maoris drew a sketch of the North Island in charcoal on the deck of the Endeavour when the vessel was near Whitianga between 4 and 15 November 1769. This event is not recorded in the accounts of the first voyage by Banks, Cook or Parkinson. The only evidence comes from John White who records an account related to him by Taniwha Horeta:

Some of the great men of that ship made sketches of the land on shore, and also of the islands in the sea ofWhitianga, and the great chief commanded our old chiefs to make a drawing of Ao-tea (New Zealand) with charcoal on the deck of the ship. So those old chiefs, as asked, made a sketch on the deck of the vessel with charcoal. This included Hau-raki (Thames), Moe-hau (Cape Colville), and the whole of the Island of Ao-tea (North Island of New Zealand), and taking in Muri-whenua (North Cape); and the great chief copied this into his book. He asked the names of all the places drawn by them, even to the Reinga (North Cape, the exit of spirits). 26

1793: Tuki Tahua for Governor King at Norfolk Island (illustrated pp. B-9) Tuki Tahua drew two maps, one in chalk and one in pencil (reproduced here) on paper while living on Norfolk Island. On the chalk map Collins comments: . .he delineated a sketch of New Zealand with chalk on the floor of a room set apart for that purpose. From a comparison which Governor King made with Captain Cook’s plan of those islands a sufficient similitude to the form of the northern island was discoverable to render this attempt an object of curiosity; and Too-gee was persuaded to describe his delineation on paper.’ 27 No information was given on the scale or size of the chalk map.

In the pencil map the northern part of the North Island is drawn larger than the remainder of the North Island and the South Island. Because of this the shape of the North Island is distorted but is still recognizable, and the South Island, while still recognizable has been rotated about 90° anti-clockwise. Milligan believes the South Island was rotated because the sheet of paper was not large enough to allow it to be drawn in its correct position. Milligan adds ‘but it may represent psychological dwarfing produced by distance and local patriotism’. 28 Tuki Tahua and his companion Ngahuruhuru were captured at Panaaki Island in the Cavalli group in April 1793 and were taken on the Daedalus to Port Jackson and thence by the Shah Hormuzear to Norfolk Island to teach the convicts how to dress flax. They knew the northern part of the North Island and wished to be returned there: perhaps this is the reason why Tuki Tahua drew his home area on a larger scale than the rest of the country. The two

men were eventually returned to New Zealand in the Britannia late in 1793. This map has excited the interest of several scholars: Milligan has made an extensive study of it, Dr Hocken had a copy made and has written his comments on it, 29 a draft copy was prepared for the unpublished ‘Historical Atlas of New Zealand’, 30 and Maling includes it in his Early Charts of New Zealand 1542-1821 (facing p. 126).

Milligan believes that the tree-like symbol of Cape Reinga may be the traditional tree from which the souls of the dead depart. The double dashed line running the length of the North Island is the road on which souls travel to reach Cape Reinga. The symbols on the east coast at the north of the North Island are carved houses, the dotted line from east to west in the North Island is the tribal boundary of the Ngapuhi and the symbols at the extreme south west of the South Island represent Murihiku ‘. . . the tail of the fish,’ 31 the end of the land. Milligan is not positive about the symbols on the west coast and in the south western interior of the South Island but they could represent the sources of nephrite and serpentine.

1814-15: Korokoro for f. L. Nicholas Korra-Korra (Korokoro?) drew a map for J. L. Nicholas who visited New Zealand with Samuel Marsden between December 1814 and March 1815. Nicholas writes: Yet in a rude sketch of Eaheinomauwe or the Northern Island, which Korra-Korra drew for me upon paper, he described between the East Coast and Queen Charlotte’s Sound, a high island on the eastern side, which at intervals vomited forth fire and smoke, and from which place I should suppose the above volcanic substances were procured. 32

1840: E Mare [Pomare?] for Ernst Dieffenbach E Mare drew a map of the Chatham Islands for Dieffenbach when he visited the islands between May and July 1840. Dieffenbach, a reliable observer, states: ‘He drew for me a chart of the Chatham Island, which exceeds in accuracy all the previous sketches made by Europeans.’ 33 No indication of the media or scale is given. He does note that E Mare had been to Sydney and had visited the New Zealand coast extensively. It is possible that E Mare had seen other European maps and had been influenced by them.

1841: Otago Maoris for E. S. Halswell (illustrated pp.l2-13) Some Otago Maoris drew a map of the South Island including Stewart Island for E. S. Halswell in November 1841. The original has not been located but a manuscript copy, reduced in size, exists and is reproduced.

The South Island is represented by a number of different scales. Areas well known to the Otago Maoris are shown on a large scale as are good harbours which were of especial importance on these coasts. Some of the harbours are so emphasized that they cut deeply into the shape of the island. On the West Coast headlands are drawn on a larger scale than on the East, probably a reflection of the difficulty of sailing around West Coast headlands where the prevailing wind is from the west. The region inland from the Waitaki River was not well known to the original cartographers and is shown on a small scale which makes the South Island appear very narrow here. In contrast, near Wakatipu, a region well known, the scale is much larger. Foveaux Strait and Stewart Island are misplaced from the south west to the south east and this may be because the sheet of paper was not long enough. The major emphasis of the map is on the coastline and harbours. Halswell noted that ‘I have, at this time, some natives from the south with me, who are at work upon a map of the entire Middle [South] and Southern Islands, giving a minute description of every bay and harbour round the entire coasts, with their native names, which generally convey a correct idea of the headlands, soil, &c.’ 34

Three lakes are shown; Wakatipu, a source of serpentine, and two lakes Waihore which were food sources. Rocks are shown around the coast. Anchor symbols appear in Chalky and Preservation Inlets which indicate either that vessels could or had anchored there. This map has not been published before, and its provenance is discussed in reference 34 to this paper. Slightly different versions have been published by Maling 35 and J. C. Andersen 36 and in a parliamentary paper. 37 Two versions were prepared for the unpublished ‘Historical Atlas of New Zealand’.

1843: Tuhawaikifor Colonel E. L. Godfrey (illustrated pp. 15,16,17) Tuhawaiki drew in pencil four maps of part of Fiordland, the Southland coastline and the east coast of Stewart Island for Colonel E. L. Godfrey. The shapes of the four maps are clearly distorted because of the different scales for river entrances, harbours, and the land separating them. Shortland’s comments are as follows:

Colonel Godfrey, who had examined most of the claims to land in the Northern Island, was much struck with the straightforward and willing evidence given by this chief in all the cases examined, and with the skill displayed by him in illustrating his descriptions and boundaries by tracing with a pencil the line of coast, and the positions of islands, rivers, &c. In these sketches, however, he paid no regard to relative distances; as I found afterwards by visiting some of the places described. He would delineate a boat harbour or river very accurately; and was always anxious to mark out the best anchorage by the usual sign of an anchor; yet, perhaps, although fifteen or twenty miles distant from each other, in his chart they would not appear to be more than one mile apart. In cases where it was more

necessary to obtain an accurate knowledge of a distance, I was obliged to make him compare it with the distance of objects we could see, in order that I might reduce it to our standard. This is, in fact, the only way by which natives can describe long distances, as they have no fixed unit of measurement corresponding with a mile or league. 38

Two of the maps, ‘Outline of the harbours Taiari and Rakituma’ and ‘Outline of part of the north coast of Foveaux’s Straits’ indicate relief by hachuring with horizontal lines, a European convention probably added by Shortland or his printer.

1844: Huruhuru for Edward Shortland (illustrated p. 18) Huruhuru drew a map in pencil of Lakes Wakatipu, Wanaka and Hawea and environs which showed the route to the West Coast for Edward Shortland on 13 January 1844. Shortland comments: He drew, with a pencil, the outline of four lakes, by his account, situated nine days’ journey inland of us, and only two from the west coast, in a direction nearly due west of our position . . . It is probable that the resting places mentioned by him are at very unequal distances from each other, although I placed them in imaginary positions on the chart, from ten to fifteen miles apart. 39

These comments lend support to the argument that the scale of this and other Maori maps is related to the distance covered in a day’s journey. The contrast between the scales for the track between Lake Hawea and Lake Wanaka (Oanaka on the map) and the track between the Clutha River and Lake Wakatipu (Wakatipua on the map) is important. The times shown are one day compared with one and a half days: the second track measured on a modern map is some fifteen times the length of the first. The imprecision of Huruhuru’s map makes it difficult to make exact comparisons between the lengths of the two tracks and their difficulty but it is clear that there is a major difference in the two scales. Lake Wanaka is drawn on a larger scale than Hawea and Wakatipu and has much more detail and the Waiariki arm of Wanaka is on a larger scale than the rest of the lake.

Lake Wanaka, on the route to the West Coast, was important as a food source and a resting place on thejourney to and from the West Coast, and was well known to Huruhuru. The shape of Wanaka is recognizable while the other two lakes are generalized, which suggests that Huruhuru knew of them only indirectly. The mountainous country around the lakes is shown by hachuring with horizontal lines, a technique unlikely to have been used by Huruhuru.

1844: Rakiraki for J. W. Barnicoat Rakiraki drew a map of Lakes Wakatipu, Wanaka, Hawea and environs forj. W. Barnicoat and his party who were at the mouth of the Clutha (Molyneux, or Matau to the Maoris) on 1 June 1844. Barnicoat does not indicate the media for the original. His copy appears in his journal. 40 Barnicoat’s small sketch map shows a distorted Lake Wakatipu, a recognizable Wanaka (called Awia) and Hawea (Wanuk). Only the upper part of the Clutha River draining the lakes is shown. On the western side of Hawea a wood is marked by symbols and on the eastern side is marked the place where the ‘beavers’ or similar animals lived. Again the European convention of hachuring is used to indicate mountains.

1848: Reko andtor Te Ware Korari for W. B. D. Mantell Mantell was at the mouth of the Waitaki River or near it on 8-9 November 1848 and drew five maps of the river and its tributaries up to Lakes Ohau, Pukaki and Tekapo. 41 Maori names are given to all the tributaries on both banks of the river which suggests that the information came from Maoris who had a detailed knowledge of the Waitaki River basin. 42 It is unclear whether Mantell used maps or verbal descriptions provided by his informants.

1856: Reko for J. T. Thomson At Tuturau Reko drew in dust on the floor of his whare a map of the lower half of the South Island for J. T. Thomson. Reko had guided Nathaniel Chalmers in 1853 to within sight of Lake Wakatipu and revealed the route to John Chubbin’s party who were the first Europeans to reach the lake in 1856. J. Hall-Jones, quoting Thomson, provides the following details:

Back at the hut Reko entertained his guests by drawing a map of the rivers and lakes of the interior. ‘With great alacrity and intelligence, he drew first a long line across the floor, which he denominated the Matau—the Molyneux of Captain Cook, and the Clutha of Captain Cargill—both great men in their own spheres. He then described an irregular circle round the floor, which he denominated the sea shore. At the head of the Matau, he drew three eel-shaped figures, which he called Wakatipu, Wanaka and Hawea. He now drew the Mataura issuing closely from the south end of the Wakatipu. The Oreti river he also drew as coming from near the same source. The Waiau and the Waitaki rivers he described as issuing from large lakes, to which he also gave present names. [The Waiau arose from Lake Te Anau, and the Waitaki issued from Lakes Tekapo, Pukaki and Ohau.] He now showed how he travelled from the Kaiapoi [over the Lindis Pass], through the interior till he came to Tuturau.’ Thomson was intrigued by what he saw and no doubt he often recalled Reko’s map during his own explorations in the interior. 43 Thomson may have made a sketch of Reko’s map but it has not been traced. 44

1859: Unknown Maori for F. von Hochstetter and Julius von Haast An unknown Maori drew a map of Lake Rotokakahi for F. von Hochstetter and J. von Haast between March and May 1859. The map was traced in sand with the blade of a knife. Hochstetter comments:

From the natives, who received us with a most cordial welcome, I inquired the names of the most note-worthy points on the lake. Their zeal to serve me was so great, that, as a whole crowd were speaking at the same time, there was no possible chance to understand anything at all, until one of them hit upon the excellent plan of tracing with his knife, after his own fashion, the outlines of the lake upon the sand, and thus to fix the various points of it. Although these outlines did hardly correspond with the real shape of the lake, such as it resulted from my own subsequent observations; yet the primitive sketch at the hands of a man, who had perhaps never in all his life seen a map, appeared to me noteworthy enough to copy and present it here. 45

Summary The maps drawn for Cook, Thomson and Hochstetter were in non-permanent media. The map drawn for King by Tuki Tahua using chalk can be regarded as similar to a charcoal drawing. Tuki Tahua would be using a new writing/drawing tool, but the thickness of a stick of chalk can be likened to a burnt twig or thin piece of wood used for drawing. Charcoal, chalk and lines drawn in sand or dust can only be approximations because the lines are so thick and the size of the map drawn has to be correspondingly large. Maps drawn in sand or dust would not be restricted by the size of the material on which they were drawn, but the surfaces on which charcoal might be used would be most restricted. None of the Europeans comments on the size of maps drawn using charcoal, chalk or in sand or dust. Only outlines of coasts, lakes and rivers were recorded and no other details of topography are shown or mentioned.

Maps were drawn in pencil for King, Godfrey and Shortland by Tuki Tahua, Tuhawaiki and Huruhuru respectively. Tuki Tahua and Korra-Korra drew their maps on paper. The materials on which Tuhawaiki and Huruhuru drew their maps are not stated. All of these Maoris had been exposed to European contact by missionaries, traders, explorers, etc. and they probably knew about the use of pens, pencils and paper although the use of these writing implements and materials was still strange to them. Tuki Tahua would probably find pencil and paper even more strange having probably had less exposure to them. Spink and Moodie’s remarks have relevance to Maori maps:

The remaining maps, of which over fifty have been published, have survived because they have been drawn for, and collected by, Westerners. Such maps, though they form the bulk of the surviving Eskimo representations of their

environment, must be approached with caution for they were produced by selected individuals for representatives of a strange culture. In some of the maps the particular Eskimo may have attempted to reproduce his own environment in terms of the mode of representation suggested to him by the outsider. Certainly in terms of media, the use of pencil, charcoal, or ink upon parchment and paper was foreign to the Eskimo. But leaving this divergence aside, the line drawings which were produced, in many cases when the ‘pninhtive’ was little influenced by the collector, cannot have been so dissimilar from the line-drawings in wood, sand and snow. The only extraneous influence which may have been introduced was perhaps the promptings of the strangers toward the elaboration of particular sections of coastline, and the presence of Western charts which the Inuit were sometimes shown and asked to improve upon. The presence of published charts cannot be held to be too inhibiting, however, if the drawing of spatial representations is accepted as being a pre-existing aspect of Eskimo culture. 46

Orthodox concepts of scale cannot be applied to Maori maps. The scales are fluid because personal experience results in some areas being drawn to a larger scale, areas known by hearsay to a smaller scale, and unknown areas to a still smaller scale. The fluidity of scales based on knowledge or lack thereof is influenced by another factor, the unit of measurement. The unit is based on the length of a day’s journey: ‘a result of the fusion of distance and the time taken in travelling such distances’. 47 There is then no standard unit of measurement. A day’s journey can be represented as short or long depending on the terrain traversed. A short distance can mean easy terrain and a long distance difficult terrain. The ‘time taken’ concept is also understood and expressed by trampers in the mountains in New Zealand. They speak of the number of hours taken in travelling between two points not the actual distance between those two points. Time taken is a useful measure for estimating where the party will be at a given time and this is most useful in deciding where to camp. Trampers of course use modern maps but the concept of ‘time taken’ is the same. Only the reproduction of Huruhuru’s map and the map which is the frontispiece in the same work 48 show actual distances in days of travel but the principles apply to the scales of all maps drawn by Maoris.

No European has recorded the actual size of maps drawn by Maoris. The exception is of course Tuki Tahua’s small scale map which has survived and measures 37 X 49 cm. It can be assumed that the maps drawn for Nicholas, Godfrey and Shortland were fairly small being limited in size by the paper on which they were drawn. The map drawn for Cook, the one drawn in chalk by Tuki Tahua, Reko’s map and the one drawn for Hochstetter were drawn on media of much larger size than a sheet of paper and so would be on a larger scale. With the exception of Tuki Tahua’s map the maps that exist as a sketch and as illustrations have probably been reduced in size and

also in overall scale by being copied and prepared for printing. Barnicoat copied Rakiraki’s map in his journal and the map in the typescript measures 6 X 7cm. This is probably much smaller than the map Rakiraki drew. It is not clear whether the lithographed illustrations of the maps drawn by Huruhuru and Tuhawaiki were made direct from the maps these Maoris drew or whether they were copied by Godfrey and Shortland and then prepared for printing. There is the possibility of two modifications to the maps and a consequent double reduction of the scale. The printer or publisher could have edited the maps before printing to conform with publisher’s style or for the convenience of the reader. Hochstetter copied the map the Maori drew for him in sand and it appears as a sketch 5X3 cm in his book. The original Maori map has undergone two modifications, first the sketch by Hochstetter and second the preparation of Hochstetter’s sketch for an illustration in his book. It would be an interesting exercise to compare the original of Huruhuru’s map with the illustration in Shortland’s book but regrettably the original map has not been traced. The shapes of physical features on the maps have varying degrees of distortion when compared with a modern map. These distortions are due to the fluidity of the scales of the maps and the degree of knowledge of the Maoris who drew them.

The descriptions of the maps which have not survived suggest that only the outlines of the coast, lakes and rivers were shown. Relief and other detail were not depicted. On all the maps natural features are given the greatest emphasis. The only non-natural features depicted (with the exception of Tuki Tahua’s) are dwellings, campsites and tracks. It should be borne in mind that nearly all of these maps were drawn for a special purpose, to indicate routes, and there was no need to show the entire body of geographical knowledge possessed by the cartographer. Modern aeronautical and hydrographic charts likewise show the bare minimum of detail.

In Tuhawaiki’s and Halswell’s maps rivers are shown by a single line where they enter the sea, and are probably so represented as reference points for coastal navigation. Only the Waiau and the Clutha, with double lines, are shown as having length, which may be an indication that they were considered as being navigable for some distance inland. Rivers are shown on Halswell’s map (with one exception) as single lines, but on Huruhuru’s and Rakiraki’s maps they are mostly double lines. It is suggested that Halswell’s map is designed for coastal travellers and the rivers thus expressed as reference points only, while the other two maps express the topography encountered during inland travel where wide, turbulent rivers like the Clutha are a major impediment to progress.

Relief is depicted on the maps of Tuhawaiki, Huruhuru and Rakiraki. Although it is likely that the hachuring is an addition by Europeans it could possible have a Maori origin. Spink and Moodie report that the Eskimo used hachuring to depict relief. Maori maps, except for Tuki Tahua’s, are practical guides, stylistically simple, with no fanciful elaboration. What is not known or not considered essential for the purpose of the map is omitted. No coloured Maori maps are known. The orientation of Tuki Tahua’s and Halswell’s maps appears to conform to the shape of the media, as the added directional arrow indicates. Maori cartographers were clearly not restricted by European cartographic conventions of scale, orientation and presentation and depicted very freely their conception of the environment.

The evidence suggests that geographical knowledge and map drawing were restricted to chiefs and tribal experts. All the recorded maps were drawn by men; Cook’s map was drawn by chiefs, Tuki Tahua is described as a chief by Milligan, and Tuhawaiki, Huruhuru and Reko were clearly chiefs.

An extensive topographical nomenclature coupled with well developed memories enabled Maoris to construct a geographic reference framework into which topographical features could be fitted in relationship to each other. The accuracy of‘mental maps’ and their transcriptions depend on the knowledge, intelligence, and drawing ability of the cartographer, and this can be seen in the examples illustrated. Whether the Maoris who transcribed their ‘mental maps’ had seen and been influenced by European maps cannot be answered conclusively. The chiefs in 1769 are reputed to have seen Cook and others on the Endeavour drawing maps and sketching, and others may well have observed European explorers and surveyors doing likewise. Tuki Tahua was familiar with European maps as Collins comments: ‘Too-gee was not only very inquisitive respecting England, See. (the situation of which, as well as that of New Zealand, Norfolk Island, and Port Jackson, he knew well how to find by means of a coloured chart)’. 49 Tuki Tahua had seen a world map, but whether it had an outline of New Zealand we do not know. By 1793 world maps showing Cook’s outline of New Zealand were available and in regular use.

The conclusions of this essay are that ideal conditions existed in New Zealand for the evolution of the ability to conceptualise mental maps, and that despite the lack of evidence it is likely that such mental maps were transcribed on non-permanent media for the education of other Maoris before European contact. From 1769 to 1859 Maoris drew maps for European explorers and surveyors and played an important part in the early mapping of New Zealand by Europeans.

REFERENCES The literature on primitive maps is limited. Only two monographs have been located by the author, Spink and Moodie’s Eskimo Maps (1972) cited below, and one in Russian which is not available in New Zealand: B. F. Adler, Maps of Primitive Peoples (St Petersburg, 1910) Bulletin of the Imperial Society of Students of Natural History, Anthropology and Ethnography, Tome CXIX, Works of the Geographical Section, Number 11. A more detailed version of this paper is available for consultation on request to the author, Alexander Turnbull Library. 1 John Spink and D. W. Moodie, Eskimo Maps from the Canadian Eastern Arctic (Toronto, 1972) p. 27. 2 D. Lewis, We the Navigators; the Ancient Art of Land Finding in the Pacific (Wellington, 1972). 3 James Cook, The Voyage of the Endeavour 1768-1771, edited byj. C. Beaglehole (Cambridge, 1955) p. 138, 291-4. 4 G. R. Lewthwaite, ‘The Puzzle of Tupaia’s Map’, New Zealand Geographer 26 (April 1970) 1-19. 5 M. M. Trotter to P. L. Barton, 14 March 1979. ATL file 3/1/6. 6 Spink and Moodie, Eskimo Maps from the Canadian Eastern Arctic. 7 U.S. Bureau of Ethnology. Tenth Annual Report . . . (Washington, 1893) p. 341-6. 8 Louis de Vorsey, ‘Amerindian Contributions to the Mapping of North America: a Preliminary View’, Imago Mundi 30(1978) 71-8. 9 John White, The Ancient History of the Maori . . . Tai-nui, vol 5 (Wellington, 1888) p. 129. I am grateful to Dr E. M. Stokes of the Dept of Geography, Waikato University, for reminding me of this reference. 10 J. Hall-Jones, Mr Surveyor Thomson (Wellington, 1971) p. 36-7. 11 F. von Hochstetter, New Zealand; its Physical Geography, Geology and Natural History (Stuttgart, 1867) p. 404. 12 G. L. Adkin, ‘Maori Lore of the Tararua Range, 195 T, p. 4, ATL MS Papers 261, folder 22.

13 James Cook, The Voyage of the Endeavour 1768-1771, p. 243-4. 14 A. G. Bagnall and G. C. Petersen, William Colenso (Wellington, 1948) p.llß-20, 198-205. 15 Nancy M. Taylor, ed. Early Travellers in New Zealand (Oxford, 1959) p. 76-8. 16 Ibid, p. 257-320. 17 A. P. Harper, Memories of Mountains and Men (Christchurch, 1946) p. 201-8. 18 J. C. Andersen, ‘Nomenclature, Legends &c. as Supplied by the Maoris in South Westland’, 1897, ATL, MS Papers 148, folder 142, note inside front cover. 19 Ibid, p. 49, 34, 38, 44-6, 35, 40, 42. 20 Ibid, p. 34, 40, 42. 21 [Main plan of Rakaia River system] ATL Map -834.44 cdc. 22 H. F. von Haast, The Life and Times of Sir Julius von Haast, (Wellington, 1948) p. 275. 23 D. G. Herron, ‘James McKerrow; surveyor, explorer and civil servant —with special reference to exploration 1861-3’, MA thesis, University of New Zealand, 1948, p. 47. 24 I. Roxburgh, Jackson’s Bay; a Centennial History (Wellington, 1976) p.B-12. 25 E. Shortland, The Southern Districts of New Zealand: a Journal (London, 1851), map facing p. 205. 26 John White, The Ancient History of the Maori . . . Vol. 5, p. 129. 27 D. Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, vol. I (London, 1798) p. 522.

28 R. R. D. Milligan, The Map Drawn by the Chief Tuki-Tahua in 1793 . . . edited by John Dunmore (Mangonui, 1964), p. 56. 29 Map Collection; Hocken Library. Manuscript map, 49x65cm, probably copied by Mrs Hocken from Collins. 30 Draft in manuscript, 59x43cm, Historical Atlas Collection, Alexander Turnbull Library, MS Papers 230. 31 Milligan, The Map drawn by the Chief Tuki-Tahua, p. 59. 32 J. L. Nicholas, Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand Performed in the Years 1814 and 1815 (London, 1817) vol 11, p. 252. 33 E. Dieffenbach, ‘An Account of the Chatham Islands’, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London 11(1841) 213.1 am grateful to Mr R. D. Richards for this reference. The map, drawn by John Arrowsmith, faces p. 196, and is the best privately published map up to 1842. 34 E. S. Halswell, ‘Report ofE. Halswell, Esq., on the Numbers and Condition of the Native Population’, New Zealand Journal 61(14 May, 1842) 111-13. Harwell’s ‘natives from the south’ are identified as Otago Maoris by ‘a merchant of Wellington’ (T. M. Partridge?) in the New Zealand Journal (1842, p. 125). The map reproduced in this article was one of two manuscript copies made ca. 1910 from the map in the Department of Lands and Survey, from which had earlier been prepared the photolithograph reproduced in the Appendices (C.l, 1894, facing p. 98). It has not been possible to locate either the second manuscript copy (last seen in 1949) or the Department’s map which may have been a contemporary copy (or conceivably the original) of Halswell’s map which was sent to the New Zealand Company on the Bailey in November 1841, but has not survived in the Company’s records.

35 P. B. Maling, Early Charts of New Zealand 1542-1851 (Wellington, 1969), map facing p. 128. 36 J. C. Andersen, Jubilee History of South Canterbury (Christchurch, 1916), portion of map on p. 38. 37 AJHR, C.l, 1894, map facing p. 98. 38 Shortland, The Southern Districts of New Zealand, p.Bl-2. 39 Ibid, p. 205-7. 40 J. W. Barnicoat, ‘Journal 1841-1844’, typescript, ATL qMS, p. 178. There are of course no beavers in New Zealand. I am grateful to Mr R. D. Richards for this reference. 41 W. B. D. Mantell, Sketchbook 2, ATL Art Coll. E 333. On p. 36-8 are five sketch maps of the Waitaki River, its tributaries and the lakes, with Maori names in Mantell’s hand. His accompanying diary, ‘Outlinejournal Kaiapoi to Otago 1848-9’ (ATL MS), gives no information to supplement the maps but notes (9 November 1848) he was accompanied by Te Ware Korari between Waitaki and Waikoura.

42 J. C. Andersen, Jubilee History ofSouth Canterbury, p. 39, reproduces a version of part of one of the maps and suggests the information came from both Reko and Te Ware Korari. In his ‘lndex of New Zealand Place Names’, ca 1930-45 (Card file, ATL), the index card ‘Rugged-ridges station’ refers to ‘Reko’s map’. I am grateful to Mrs J. I. Starke and Mr R. D. Richards for this reference. 43 J. Hall-Jones, Mr Surveyor Thomson, p. 36-7. 44 Hall-Jones to P. L. Barton, 20 September 1973 and 17 August 1979, ATL file 3/1/6. 45 F. von Hochstetter, New Zealand, p. 404. 46 Spink, Eskimo Maps . . ~ p. 7. 47 Ibid, p. 12. 48 Shortland, The Southern Districts of New Zealand, frontispiece map. 49 Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, vol. I, p. 521.