COLONIES TO GERMANY—AND PEACE?
Anglo-German Friendship Possible--And Essential, Declares Lord Londonderry
(A Special "Record" Review by
A.R.
M.
ERR HITLER made this ominous remark to the Marquess of Londonderry during the British statesman’s visit to Germany early in 19386. Study it in the light of three recent events: the statement by Berlin official circles that an understanding between Britain and Germany is impossible before the return of colonies; the assertion by several important figures in England that an increasing number of people throughout England are realising the justice of Germany’s colonial claims; and the later announcement by the American and British Institute of Public Opinion that polls taken in both countries show everwhelming opposition to the return of colonies to Germany-study, I say, Hitler’s 1986 assertion side-by-side with these pronouncements, and you quickly realise how extra-ordinarily-one might say danger-ously-prophetic were the Fuehrer’s words. They form the keynote to a momentous survey by Lord Londonderry of the whole situation as it affects Germany and Britain, which he sets out in his book, "Ourselves and Germany," now available as a decidedly valuable "Penguin Special" which could not have been published at a more appropriate time. I advise every thinking man and woman, groping for the real facts behind current international chaos, to read this book. Not everyone will agree with all the pro-German sympathies of the former Secretary of State for Air, but we must admire his sincerity and his zeal for peace, and appreciate his frank’ presentation of another side of a picture which is, for a great number of us, apt to be blurred or obliterated entirely by ignorance or blind prejudice. Anglo-German Unity Now, Lord Londonderry has abounding sympathy for Germany’s foreign policy. Im an Anglo-German friendship he sees the only possible solution of’ the present international problem and the salvation of the world. The time may well be not far off (he writes), should the present unsatisfactory and uncertain state of Anglo-German relations be allowed to continue, when the Germans will be able to dispense with the hope of any understanding with us and to strike out along a course of ‘Weltpolitik’ frankly antagonistic to Great Britain and her many impeérial and commercial interests. It is to avert such an _ unfortunate eventuality as this that I. have made’ every effort to convince the people of this country (Britain), of the value and importance of a friendly understanding between Britain and Germany, The Marquess is , in a strong Positicn to present a case for Germany. Throwing himself ecom-
pletely into the task of improving Anglo-German relations, he has enjoyed the friendship-and con-fidence-of Hitler, Goering, von Ribbentrop, von Neurath, von Papen and others guiding Germany’s destiny. He was, he tells, upbraided for entertaining Herr von Ribbentrop and for having been entertained by Field-Marshal Goering-"which is the sole impression that the general public have of my efforts in this drama"; the sort of one-eyed ignorance that tends to make the present international dilemma seem more disheartening than ever, Lord Londonderry asserts throughout his narrative that Germany is not, as we have been led to believe, thirsting for revenge for 1914-1918. He ventures to say that there is a deeper horror of war in Germany than there is in Britain, and if the reported "thank
God for Chamberlain" attitude of the German people since Munich is authentic, he would appear to be correct, Versailles He traces carefully and impartially the harshness towards the vanquished enemy of that "political straight-jacket," the Treaty of Versailles. He sees nothing but misfortune in Britain having supported France in the pursuance of a policy which postponed the rehabilitation of Germany; ‘‘No one seemed to care," he says, "to what depths of degradation and despair a strong and virile race might sink ..." Fourteen years after the Armistice, at the Disarmament Conference at Geneva-(which the author found "anything but practical") — Germany demanded equality of status, and that other nations should not increase their armaments, or-alternatively-that she should be allowed to re-arm. Her claims were rejected, and she was driven to take the law into her own hands. A leader came into power at the head of the German Government. In an incredibly short space of time Herr Hitler restored the sense of national pride and selfrespect. .. On March 7, 1936, he proclaimed to the world that so far as Germany and the conception of her exclusive war. guilt was concerned, the Treaty of Versailles was at an end. Secret Rearming Lord. Londonderry shows how, after Hitler had become Chancellor in 1933. Germany had already taken the bull by the horns (the
process started in the Bruning regime) and had begun to rearmsecretly. Later came Germany’s open and deadly earnest re-arma-ment, Herr Hitler had previously intimated his willingness to arms limitation and put forward certain proposals. Once more France proved the fly in the ointment. Hitler’s suggestions were "contemptuously rejected" by M. Barthou, the French Foreign Minister, and "with more studied moderation" by the British Government. Lord Londonderry was not alone in condemning this as a loss of a golden opportunity of settling dif. ferences amicably with Germany. Mr. A. L. Kennedy, brilliant publicist, then Assistant Foreign Editor of "The Times" wrote that "the failure to force that great opportunity was ;erhaps the low: est point of depression to which British diplomacy has sunk in recent history." PAYING HIS FIRST VISIT TO GERMANY AFTER HAVING "GAINED HIS FREEDOM" BY LEAVING THE GOVERNMENT IN THE AUTUMN OF 1935, LORD LONDONDERRY FOUND ON ALL SIDES THAT "THERE WAS A VERY FRIENDLY FEELING TOWARDS THIS COUNTRY (BRITAIN), AND A STRONG DESIRE FOR FRIENDSHIP WITH US AND ALSO WITH FRANCE." In an interview with Goering the General suid that he believed in bilateral arrangements "and would like to come to some arrangement on the lines of the Naval agreement." He "kept on speaking of France, how she had vetoed any
suggestions made by Germany, how first France had refused -to accept a German army of 200,000 men, and later 300,000, and how she now countered any change in the demilitarised zone by a threat of mobilisation." Goering saw no use in Germany stating her case; her requests had always been met with a flat refusal-by France, Germany's alleged grave fear of Bolshevism is discussed at length. Hitler told Lord Londonderry that what (then) disturbed him most was the growing menace to the world from Bolshevism, Von Rib-
bentrop, during this conversation, referred to "the report" that international Jews were making common cause with the Bolshevists and placing their funds at their disposal. This interview closed with Hitler making the significant observation’ quoted at the beginning of this review. Change Of Attitude The formation of the BerlinRome axis and more recent developments are dealt with, and Lord Londonderry stresses how markedly the German attitude towards Britain had changed when he visited Germany for the second time, in 1937. , The main feaure was the desire on the part of General Goering to impress on me that owing to our unwillingness ,to grasp the German hand of friedship (which still remains extended), Germany had been compelled to seek friends elsewhere. Hence the rapprochement with Italy and Japan... He contended that wherever Germany sought to make progress, Great Britain invariably stood in the Way. ...
That was, of course, before the celebrated "act of friendship" at Munich, from which we must continue to hope for the best. While, fundamentally, the question of German colonies is one that should stand, and be considered, strictly on its own merits, it is impossible for us ’o divorce from our minds in this or anything else appertaining to Hitler’s regime, certain repugant principles and exploits of Nazism. In considering colonies we are entitled to ask ourselves how far Germany has alienated herself from our sympathy and our trust when she can, apparently, see no alternative for the settlement of the so-called Jewish problem than by an orgy of blood and brutality. Lord Londonderry himself condemns this racial persecution, but,
in conformity with his policy, endeavours at the same time to put the German point of view. We can ask curselves, too, if we are prepared to believe the sincerity of a nation that encourages religious strife and stifles freedom of thought. But whichever way we approach it, the German colonial question looms on its own. On its solution or otherwise depends perhaps the avoidance or the precipitation of a tragedy far more ghastly than anything that has gone before, May Not Agree I said earlier that some people may not agree with Lord Londonderry’s contentions. But, if they are intelligent, and fair to themselves and their Empire’s cause, they will at least read what he has to say with an impartial mind and think clearly before they criticise. Ye Bal Let Lord Londonderry conciude:
I am as reluctant as any British citizen to cede a yard of colonial territory. . . Nor do I think that the Germans have made out a good case for transfer on economic, much less on _ legal srounds. On grounds of prestige, however, I can fully understand and sympathise with the German demands. Great Britain and Germany are Great Powers, and each has 2 large population, but whereas the British Empire extends over about one quarter of the globe, the Third Reich does not possess an inch of territory outside her frontiers. There is the ‘problem. Lord Londonderry says it can be settled, if there exists on both sides the will for equitable settlement. On this, he is convinced, "depends in great measure the prospect of peace and stability in Europe for many years to come and (he adds), I believe that both peoples in their hearts would welcome it."-A.R.M. "Ourselves and Germany." Marquess of Londonderry, K.G. Allen Lane (Pelican Special). Our copy forwarded from London personally by the author.
@ Germany wants fo live in close friendly alliance with England, and for England perhaps the time will come when she will have to consider the question whether on active friendship with Germany, or whether the possession of a couple of colonies, which, for the British Empire, are not of very great value, is the more important.
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Radio Record, Volume XII, Issue 36, 17 February 1939, Page 16
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1,686COLONIES TO GERMANY—AND PEACE? Radio Record, Volume XII, Issue 36, 17 February 1939, Page 16
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