The Parliamentary Machine—Cabinet and Upper House

Radio Record, Volume I, Issue 7, 2 September 1927, Page 2

The Parliamentary Machine—Cabinet and Upper House

This is the last of Mr. C. E. Wheeler’s present series on "Parliament and How It Works." Fram hisobservations, listeners have gathered a more vital impression of the "talking shop" and its functioning than was theirs before, but we do not think Mr, Wheeler has created any hurning desire for Parliament to be put "on the air" as one of the standard items on the programme-not at Teast while stone-walling is in fashion. On this point,, however, there is the experience of a European Parliament which was being broadcast. One long-winded speaker was holding forth at length, whem he hegam receiving messagea from his constituents telling him to "shut up." And he did! That promotes thoughts.... The day may come when major statements-the budget, for example, or a first class pronouncement of Imperial topics-may go direct to listeners from a microphane before: Mr. Speaker, but, broadly speaking, listeners will be content ta dllow Mr. Wheeler and his friends to sift the wheat yet a while.

It is characteristic of our British way of "making things work," adapt ing methods to the need of the moment, that Cahinet, the all-important influence in politics, the main-spring of the: whole business, finds no place in our Constitution. There is the Executive Council, which meets m a. formal way now and then, with His Excellency the Governor-General pre+ siding, and his ministerial advisers in attendanee, But the business transacted by the Executive Council has been already decided at meetings of Cabine:, highly confidential affairs with mo secreand no formal record. To-day’s Cabinet meetings are held in the Prime Minister’s room on the ground floor of Parliament Building. A Cabinet room specially designed, with its handsome panels of Canadian maple-a gift from our sister Do-minion-is never used mainly because it is not accompanied by a sufficiently extensive or convenient suite of offices for the Prime ‘inister’s large staff. But there it is, with the conventional double doors fo ensure sec-vecy-the inside door of the usual type, and the outside covered with heavy thicknesses of baize. Only a minister can describe the Cabinet meeting from the inside, but one picks up impressions of it as an informal gathering for frank and epen criticisn. One minister, selfcentred in his own affairs, brings forward a proposal, and colleay -s viewing it from the wider angle of the possible effect on the country and the popularity of the ministry, pull it te pieces in a friendly way. And the Prime Minister, supreme chief, sits listening, and at the right moment gives a decision. That is the final word. There is no resolution and o division. The opinion of Cabinet is alwavs unanimous. Any "Ainister who differs strongly on an important issue has no alternative but to resign, Cabinet is a political team, with the Prime Minister as captain and sole selector. In picking his team the captain has to consider many factors, such as geographical representation, and important interests. He tries also to secure a gooc debating team, because the Government’s policy must be ably presented and defended in Parliament, and on the public platform. HOW IS THE CAPTAIN PICKED? You will probably be asking by this time: "How is the Captain of the Cabinet team selected?" It happens in this way:-A general electio. results in the party which went to the eoun zy as the Government, being returned without a majority in the House of Revresentatives. Parliament meets, His Excellency the Gov-ernor-General delivers the Speech from the Throne, which is heard by the members of both Houses. Our elected members then proceed to debate the document on a formal mofion: "That a respectful Address be presented to His Excellency, in reply to His Excellency’s Speech." The leader of the party having a

majority as a result of the elections moves an amendment sdmething on these lines: "We deem it our duty to infornr Your Excellency that your advisers have not the confidence ‘of | this House." If that amendment is carnied, aut goes the Government, and the deteated leadex’s final official responsibility is to recommend the Governor Generak ta send for someone who probably commands the confidence of a majority. He, of course, name the member who moved the successful amendment. Fhis gentleman interviews the King’s representative, and undertakes to form a ministry. In due course, the team is selected, and proceeds to Government House, arrayed in the ceremonial frock -coat and box hat, to take the oath of allegianze, LIVELIER TIMES EARLIER, It has not always been so decorus and formal, according toa what I have read of the lively times of early days in New Zealand politics. When the centre of government was in Auckland, a gentleman who moved the fatal amendment of no-contidence went home to bed, not thinking a division would come that night. But it did, and he was pulled out of bed with a hurried injunction tu see the Governor at once. "All right," said he, "wait till I get on a clean shirt!" And the "clean shirt ministry’ it -was christened. I think it lasted about as long as the cleanliness of the garment, There are fourteen members of our New Zealand Cabinet, but the interesting phenomenon of .a smaller "inside" Cabinet is not unknown inpolitics. One is speaking too elose to events to mention whether this is a feature of the present Government, but old parliamentary hands could name off-hand the inside Cabinet of the late Mr. Massey-the few ministerial colleagues whose advice he never neglected to take when big affairs had to be settled. Thus there are "insiders" as well as "ontsiders" in Cabinet. When a Prime Minister resigns, the whole Cabinet goes out of office, and in the creation of a new ministry the Governor General consults only one person, the man most likely to command the confidence of a majority of the House. If he undertakes to form a ministry, he exercises his choice unfettered by any meeting of his party, The party meeting, known as the caucus is, however, an important faetor in politics. As with Cabinet, it is a very secret affair, though its secrets are more difficult to keeptoo many people are sharing. From time to time a party leader consults his parliamentary supporters, and from them obtains a good indication of how the Government’s policy ap-!

peals to the country. Let me break the thread of the nar1ative just for a moment om a most mteresting personal theme. This wonfuerfuk medium: of broadcasting has, I | brought into our umseen andienct prominent representatives of the past sid the present in ous New Zealand politics. I am sure you will be interested to know that istenmg m with you to-night is Mrs. Seddon, widow of a notable Prime Minister who passed uway 21 years ago but ‘whose name ts uot by any means forgotten. Greetings, Mrs. Seddon, from us all} And we have had in our circle the present vrime Minister, the Right Honourable J. G. Coates, who was good enough to ftell me that he heard every word of she first lecture, and enjoyed it. In his breezy way, which carries him so tar and so cheerfully along the rather rough road of polities, he told me to "carry on"? And now I will carry on the story. THE "UPPER HOUSE." Now I must tell you something about the Legislative Council The peacetul atmosphere of the Upper House is always a tempting subject for the outsider’s wit. Lower House legislators envy the "Lords" their easy times, and their invariable habit of becoming a sitting in the afternoon, -This second chamber business seems an easy affair every. where. A parliamentary sketch writer has amusingly pictured a sitting of the English House of Lords. The ‘time is approaching for the Lord ‘Chancellor to take the chair, The writer describes the scene of intense activity in corridors and offices. Wai‘ters are running: around with trays, conveying last-minute refreshment--~ beef tea and toast, Orderlies hurry up with official papers-everyone is screwed up to concert pitch for the important occasion. | The Lord Chancellor takes the chair, reads the opening prayer-and then puts a motion: "The question is, that this House do now adjourn." And they adjourn! That is just how it appeals to the hard pressed elected legislator of the Lower House. MEMBERS ARE NOMINATED / Our Legislative Council attracts very little public attention, because it is not so self-asser#ive as the House of Representatives, 1.0t so closely in touch with the people. A member of the Lower House has never far from his mind the jury of puble opinion, before which he appears for trial every three years. Our Legislative Couneillors enjoy immunity from the rough and tumble of contested elet- | tions. They are appointed on the

nomination of the Government for seven years. Formerly we had life members, but this system disappeared many years ago, and the last of th life members is dead. Now we have 40 Legislative Conncillors, more than half of whom have been members of the electe chamber. Political wisdom is stered up in this the opportunity of bringing: into our ‘legislative affairs a type of useful man who has either excelled in practical affairs, or in thoughtful study of the problems of Government, Some of the best of these men are not eut out for the rough and tumble of an election campaign, As the wife of a legislator once said: "I never knew what a scoundrel I married until he stood for Parliament!’ -~ : The country needs, somwhere in its scheme of government, those capable but retiring men who can be use‘ful, and it would be my ideal of a ‘Legislative Council to see such men, representative of many interests and activities, appointed to the Upper ‘House, though they had never shown any aptitude for fighting party battles. POSSIBLE CHANGES In Britain at this moment, they are considering a somewhat radical innovation in connection with the House. of Lords-the ‘"‘mending or ending’ of the House of Lords has been a phrase in. party battle ever since the Gladstonian days, if not earlier. in this eountry, too, there have been threats to the Colonial counterpart of the Lords. As a matter of histortcal fact-I am.sticking te facts you might notice, and not venturing teo far to express opinions-there have been important changes. Our Legislative Councillors were formerly appointed for life, but this was changed for a seven year term many years ago, and the last of the "lifers,’’ the Hon. Captain Bailley, of Marlborough, died a few years ago. . Every seven years, a Legislative Councillor is due for a renewal of his term, and the people who appoint him are the advisers of His Majesty's 1 -resentative in New Zealand. How far this might tend to affect the important powers of the Upper House in reviewing the work of the elected Ciamber is a point for you to consider, . Qur whole political scheme is a wonderful system of checks and balances, in -which the Legislative Council may, if occasion arises, play an important part, The crisis might not come once. in a generation, but it mzht happen hat the electors, swayed by passion

in a time of national excitement, elect a Parliament, a majority of members pledged to some extreme action which turns out, in the light ‘of colder reasoning, to be unjust. We could imagine an_ elected House, Chamber. The last three gentlemen who have been High Commissioners for New Zealand in London are there, also the former Speaker and Chair man of Committees of the Lower |House, The nominative system gives fresh from the excitement of the hustings taking precipitate action- and we ean hope that the Legislative Council will take a colder and more dispassionate view, not fearing intimidation fron the public opinion of the moment, Herein lies the chief value of the bi-cameral legislative system. A statute is not law until it is approved by both branches of the legislature and signed by His Excellency the Governor-General. If the Legislative Council disapproves, it cannot pass. Another interesting historical fact is that there is in existence on our statute-book, a law providing for an elective Legislative Council, returned on a very different basis from that of the Lower House, the number of pro« posed constituencies being four instead of eighty. This Act could be made operative to-morrow by the issue of an Order-in-Council — but many years have passed without that Order-in-Council-so it may be taken for granted that the powers that be are not altogether satisfied with the elective system instead of nominative for the second chamber. The official Opposition, however, has no uncertainties. Its plat*form provides for abolition. NECESSARY PECULIARITIES. In these talks I have endeavoured to show that Parliament has its peculiarities. Its ways are the ways of circumlocution, it seems to be trammelled with ancient forms, and it works most in the hours when we would prefer to sleep. There are reasons for all this as I hope I have made clear. We are a democracy, and when we feel critical about our greatest representative institution, remember that it is but a reflex of the community it represents. You and I have a direct responsibility for it, ‘Cur vote settles its constitution, and if we see by intelligent exercise of our voting privilege that we return honest ‘practical men, with a blending of ‘idealists, then we get.a Parliament to ‘be prouc of. A highly qualified European writer on parliamentary institutions, Professor Seigfreid, summed up his imy ession of our little democracy in these words: "New Zealanders have de to use institutions, often antiquated, to perform new functions, and that, after all, is one of the happiest secrets of the English spirit." __ I take leave of you all in tke hope that these necessarily scrappy efforts to interpret Parliament to the man in the street will lead to a better appreciation of an institution, sound at heart, and working as best it knows in our interests.