Current Topics
Mr. Parr’s Opinion Lord Hugh Cecil is an educated man. ll© is a man of ability. His remarks are received ©yen beyond / England with respect. Recently he expressed hi's measured opinion that a mixed university would be a disaster both to men and women, and that the separation of the sexes is for the best interests of both. Our Mr. Parr says he does not agree with Lord Hugh Cecil, and that the views expressed by that nobleman are medieval and monastic. Apart from the fact that New Zealand education would be much benefited if it were in any sens© either medieval or monastic, Mr. Parr is to Lord Hugh Cecil as Mr. Parr’s opinion on anything under the sun is to Lord Hugh’s, which is comment enough on the matter. Comedy or Tragedy Wrapped in the mantle of his own integrity, wearing no decoration but the white flower of his unsullied honor, Mr. Massey, who as Mr. Gunson, the patriot, tells us, is called lovingly “Bill,” just as other great and gifted Prim© Ministers were called “Pam” and “the Duke” and “Dizzy,” faces in New Zealand’s glorious House of Parliament a crowd of tormentors. The kind Prime Minister, who never broke his word and never hit below * the belt, has been baited and bullied and exasperated by people who seize on his word and ask him to keep it. Labor Members and Liberal Members twist the lion’s tail and take unholy delight in making him lose his temper. Worse than all, the Speaker tells him that he is out of order, and he accepts his castigation with a truly exemplary spirit of humility. The proceedings in the House during these days are a comedy for spectators but a tragedy for the Prime Minister to whom our heart goes out with the sympathy always due to the “under dog.” Et Tu Nosworthy To make things worse, the Ashburton bigot, whose inclusion in Mr. Massey’s Cabinet was rightly condemned by the Auckland Star as an insult to the Catholic population of New Zealand, adds fuel to the fire. Mr. Hanan, knowing that Mr. Massey is a man who never broke his word and never will, asks the Prime Minister when he is going to keep his word and to introduce a Bill for electoral reform. “X promised and I keep my word,” said Mr. Massey. “He promised to bring in a Bill but not to pass it,” said the Ashburton statesman. “That won’t do me,” said Mr. Hanan. “I want no nonsense of that sort.” Unkind Mr. Nosworthy actually mad© it appear as if he, the object of that kindness which was an insult to Catholics, was of opinion that the Prime Minister might bring in a Bill without intention of passing it. His unkind interjection gave Mr. Hanan an opportunity for asking for a definite expression as to the meaning of the promise given. Nobly Mr. Massey arose to the occasion. “I gave, my word; my word is my bond; who in all this country can say anything to the contrary?” That, in effect, was the scene the other night And the . outcome of it was an infallible guarantee that we ip:© going to have the much needed Bill introduced by dear Mr. Gunson’s “Bill.” Comedy and tragedy again ! while at Home, in the mother of Parliaments, there is uproar and turmoil and suspension of bold bad Members day after day. It would seem as if the absence of the Irish from Westminster has had a most demoralising effect on that once proud body of legislators. Well, whatever they do in England, is it not a shame to annoy Prim© Minister Massey the kindest poor man in New Zealand ! It is bad enough to have Sir Joseph Ward calling attention to the deplorable state of our finances without having people like Brutus of Ashburton giving a handle to other tormentors. Why/ not charge for admission to the visitors! gallery during the excitement? It would help to improve the financial condition of the Dominion
which has apparently gone- on the rocks since Sir Joseph left it in clear waters a few years ago. Anyhow, for once there is amusing reading to be had in the daily papers of New Zealand. That is an improvement on their campaign of bishop-baiting. Germany’s Offer Germany’s latest offer to France amounts to the following: 1. A Moratorium until 1927 thereafter^" 6 ' 11 ° f £60 ’ 000 > 000 ( in old ) annually f 3 ; Additional payments of .£15,'000,000 annually from 1929 to 1931, and of £30,000,000 after 1931 the decision whether and how these additional sums are to. be paid to be left to an impartial international commission. ■1 , 4. Deliveries in hind to proceed on the same lines as before occupation of the Ruhr, but to be reckoned as part or the above payments. ii i 5 ‘ , 10 l offer . is conditional on the evacuation of the Ruhr and the withdrawal of various other restrictions on German trade and menaces to German credit. These terms com© very close to the terms suggested by the British Government. Moreover, Germany throws herself on the wisdom and justice of impartial worldopinion, binding herself to abide by the findings of an international commission free from every political in fluence if her own offer is not accepted. She also binds herself to accept any bilateral proposal for the avoidance of future war and the guarantee of the frontier between herself and Germany. The Nation- points out that in view 'of the similarity of Germany’s terms to those suggested by the English Premier, it is his duty to advocate their acceptance by France. Considering that Lloyd George admitted that Germany was no more responsible for the war than the Allies it would seem that justice has but a small place in the demands of all the Entente Powers. England is as much to blame as any of them. Since 1919, says Mr Keynes, her European policy has broken pladges treated with duplicity friends and enemies alike and has been expressed in terms of fudge and make-believe. De Valera's Proposals While professing to deal with de Valera’s Peace 1 roposals if they believed them genuine, the members of the Free State Government claim that they had good reason to doubt their sincerity and to regard them as a trap. In support of this assertion, a letter captured 111 the home of Ernie O’Malley, on© of de Valera’s lieutenants, has been published by the authorities. If the letter be bona fide, it would appear that the terms offered were such as the Government might be expected to reject, and that the truce is only a resting or breathing space preliminary to further fighting. We her© give the text of the letter for what ft is worth. The Free State Government Publicity Department issued the following: ' “The following copy of a letter captured some days ago 111 the house of Ernie O’Malley, 7 lona Drive, Dublin, throws an interesting sidelight on Mr. de Valeras .peace talk. Mr. O’Malley was Assistant Chief of Staff of the Irregulars. He is now in prison. “Same address, May 1923. “A Chara.— Received your letter a few days ago, but was unable to reply, under the circumstances sooner. I was indeed glad to hear that things are going so well out there, especially the Prisoners’ Dependants Fund. Funds are badly needed for dependants at present, as the Free State have robbed a considerable amount on the distributors and otherwise. 1 J. J- O’KELLY AND FATHER O’FLANAGAN f seem to be having an unpleasant time out there, according to the papers here. I sincerely hop© their efforts will be successful, _as if the Australians turned cut as well as our American friends it would be fine “As } regards the letter of Dr. Sheehan to the Freeman’s Journal , I have been trying my best, but it is very difficult, as there is a Free State guard on all the newspaper offices, and it would be folly for me to go into any of the newspaper offices. ’
“However, I have another person inquiring, and I will send you on same immediately. By the way I did not receive the copy of the Australian paper which you said you sent me. I would like to see a copy of the paper. “Things are going very 3 well here. We have met many serious reverses /here,. including the loss of our gallant and fearless Chief of Staff, General Liam Lynch. —R.I.P. /‘Since then things have got much better, and our military position is splendid., The men are wonderful L with all the trials they have to put up with. t THERE ARE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS GOING' ON at present, and a truce has been arranged temporarily. The truce only applies to the I.R.A. The Free Staters are not recognising it, as they are raiding wholesale. “ The peace negotiations will he a great success.' The Free State Government cannot accept it, as the terms are a breach of the Free State Constitution , hut the Irish people will accept it, as at present they would tale anything for peace. “The truce will not last long, as we are expecting a. reply from ■ the Free State—a negative result of course. The war will then start again. “ There has been a lot of work done lately. I will now close, as I am very busy, and times are very dangerous. Hoping that everything will go on all right out there. “Is mise le meas mor, “C. O’M.” Ireland Considerable attention has been attracted by a speech delivered at Tuam by Mr. Fairy, one of the ablest and most broad-minded of de Valera’s friends. The speech is all the more significant because, on the platform with Mr. Fairy, were Professor Stockley and several other Republic T.D.’s. Mr. Fahy, who while supporting de Valera since 1922, never allowed party feeling to obscure his ideals for Irish Ireland, pleads that there ought to be a general return to ways of peace and to constitutional methods, declaring that a slight change in the Free State Constitution would enable all Irishmen to unite and take part in the nation’s public life. He protested against the colntinuation of the senseless strife which is ruining the country and impeding its development in every direction. The speech has been interpreted as a hopeful sign of a return to constitutional agitation for ideals which so many Irishmen cherish in common with Mr. de Valera who, however, has obstinately resisted all warnings as to the . folly of abandoning lawful methods for those of violence. The presence of Professor Stockley and other prominent Republican T.D.’s seems to be an indication ’ that Mr. Fahy speaks for the sanest and most levelheaded of the party, and, in that sense, his remarks are a welcome sign of the dawn of a brighter day for Ireland. We already pointed out that the Boundary Question seems to be a mystery to most people, and that Sir James Craig openly boasted that the British Government was going to prove unfaithful over the matter. In our opinion such an event would give Irishmen the chanc >of demanding reforms in the Con- , stitution such as would be welcome all round among Nationalists. And in this direction there may lie the solution of the civil strife and of the disagreements of which it is begotten. That many in the Province of Ulster would welcome such a breach of faith for other reasons is clear from the following editorial note in the Irish News: \ “The main facts,” it says, “about the ‘Boundary J Commission ’ are (1) that it will never materialise, and (2) that if it could possibly be established its operations would be fruitful of mischief and barren of good. ‘True, the ‘ Commission is in the Treaty. It was put there by Mr. Lloyd George, and the device was A accepted by Mr. Arthur Griffith and General Collins because, under all the circumstances of the situation, At deemed the only feasible way out of an impasse. Lloyd George was Prime Minister his tenure of the office was not seriously threatened he would have nominated thg Chairman of the proposed Commission ; he had promised on paper, but either directly or >. indirectly to General Collinsthat if the appointment , i - of a Commission became necessary, * the terms of reference ’ would be wide enough to make possible the pass-
ing, of Fermanagh, Tyrone, South Armagh, and South Down into the Free State. General Collins’ Death. “ When ‘ civil war began in Dublin ten months ago level-headed people realised that the prospect of any Commission had become dim, indeed. The hand that sped the bullet which killed General Collins killed the Commission. When Bonar Law succeeded Lloyd George, N.E. Ulster’s Nationalists should have acted at once on the assumption that it was buried. “Is it wise, or practical, or patriotic, to keep on talking of and hankering after the appointment of a Commission presided over by an English Tory nominee while everyone knows that, under the most favorable circumstances presently conceivable, proceedings before such a tribunal would resolve themselves into contemptible hagglings, and squabblings, and wranglings, day after day and week after week, over fractions of baronies and fragments of parishes as pictured in maps ? “Bitterness would be inflamed and accentuated; dissatisfaction, weariness, disgust, and ultimate dis-i appointment would be the orfly results of the experiment. In the name of Peace, Commonsense, and Ireland, let the ‘ Boundary Commission ’ vanish quietly from our minds. Those who pinned their faith to it during mouths of wasteful inactivity were not acquainted with essential facts. To Heal Ireland’s Wounds. “There are 450,000 Nationalists in the Six Counties. There are scores of thousands not ranked as Nationalists who know, and have known all along, that the perpetual division of Ireland into two segments is impossible; and these sane Irishmen of the North will become active and potent factors in any well-considered, reasonable, broad-minded movement for the restoration of perfectpeace and close relations between the sundered sections of the common country. “But the initiative will come from the great Nationalist population of these North-Eastern Counties. Their interests are immediately and most injuriously affected by existing conditions. And they can make themselves the healers of national wounds that still fester, and the architects and guardians of the bridge that will ultimately span the artificial chasm now dividing the Six Counties from the Twenty-six. It is a high and noble mission ; it means practical patriotism as well as self-preservation. Circumstances have placed the Nationalists of the North-East in a position to undertake that mission with an absolute certainty of success. The opportunity is within their grasp. Will they seize and utilise it?”’
Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi
https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/periodicals/NZT19230705.2.31
Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka
New Zealand Tablet, Volume L, Issue 26, 5 July 1923, Page 18
Word count
Tapeke kupu
2,449Current Topics New Zealand Tablet, Volume L, Issue 26, 5 July 1923, Page 18
Using this item
Te whakamahi i tēnei tūemi
See our copyright guide for information on how you may use this title.