The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, DECEMBER 1, 1921. HOW DOES SHE STAND?

New Zealand Tablet, 1 December 1921, Page 25

The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, DECEMBER 1, 1921. HOW DOES SHE STAND?

OR some weeks circumstances prevented us from offering our readers a current criticism of the progress of Ireland's cause, and while we may be inclined to think that owing to the silence preserved concerning the Conference not much comment was needed, the fact still remains that criticism is still necessary in order to correct the false ideals so assiduously spread by the daily press. The facts are that secrecy is observed and that the only data on which the writers of daily editorials can fall back are certain vague utterances of British politicians and unreliable cables which sensible readers promptly discount as worthless. Nevertheless we are told that Ireland is compromising, that de Valera climbed down, and that this or that solution is more or less probable. However, people who remember how consistent Sinn Fein has been, and how x clearly enunciated its principles were from the beginning, will pay but scant attention to prophets who tell us what they would like to believe rather than what sound reason warrants them in saying.., * To begin with, de Valera did not climb down. He insisted on entering the Conference on the basis of existing facts: that is, that he and his colleagues must be recognised as the elected representatives of the Irish nation, as the existing Irish Government appointed by the free will of k the Irish people. Lloyd George objected and with some lapse from his usual acuteness protested that such, recognition would mean that the Conference must begin by admitting' everything that Sinn Fein demanded, in a word, the absolute independence of Ireland- De Valera repeated that facts were facts and that on no other basis than upon a recognition of these facts could Ireland allow her delegates or plenipotentiaries to explore the possibilities of a settlement which would secure an honorable and an abiding peace. The Conference began,, as Frank Walsh, the American envoy, put it, with a victory for the man who stood fast on the bed-rock of principle and a defeat for the Machiavellian politician. What has happened since the beginning is shrouded still in silence. From de Valera, speaking to the Irish nation on the eve of the sessions, we know that whatever Ireland will accept will be won -by stern determination and not yielded with, a good grace by England: "The

struggle on our side has always been simply for the maintenance of a right that is in its nature indefeasable and that cannot therefore be either relinquished or compromised. The only peace that in the very nature of things can end the struggle will be a peace consistent with the nation's right and guaranteeing freedom worthy of the sufferings endured to secure it. Such a peace will not be easy to obtain. A claim that conflicts with Ireland's right has been ruthlessly persisted in through centuries of blood; it seems unlikely that this claim will be abandoned now. . . Of necessity Ireland must stand where she is, unyielding and fearless on the rock of right, or be outmanoeuvred and defeated in detail. During the negotiations, then, the slightest lowering of the nation's moral would be fatal. . . . The power against us will use every artifice if knows in the hope of dissipating, dividing-, weakening us. We must all beware. Unity is essential and will be best maintained by unswerving faith in those deputed to act in the nation's behalf and a confidence manifesting itself as hitherto in an eloquent discipline." These noble words give us a rule by which we may measure and reject as worthless most of the cables that come through our daily papers. They assure us of the Irish point of view. And we are in a position to assure our readers that the people are gladly giving the faith and the confidence for which de Valera appealed, while they are also with him in their determination that the sacrifices of Mac Sweeney, of Pearse, and Connolly shall not be in vain. Therefore it is wise to disregard all the cables that represent Sinn Fein as being willing to bargain for half a loaf. * Let us now look at the other side of the picture. We remind our readers once again that there is always a possibility of English duplicity to be taken into account. For a discussion of that aspect of the case we refer to a note in our "Current Topics" this week. Taking it for granted for the present that Lloyd George means business and that he is really anxious to secure peace with Ireland, we find the English position ex« pressed strongly by Lord Birkenhead in the following words cabled from London on November 23: "Tie prospects of the Irish negotiations are subtly interwoven with the issues of the Washington Conference. I cannot describe the relief there would be in the whole international atmosphere, especially the atmosphere of Anglo-American relations, if the negotiations were brought to a harmonious conclusion, promising the loyal continuation of Ireland as a free partner in the Empire, removing the sole chronic and permanent cause of Anglo-American antagonism;. The problem of aI(L problems is bound up with the historic discussions at Washington. Judged by historic perspective this is the greatest moment in the history of the World if the conference fails, but it presents better prospects of success than any similar gathering in history. If this attempt failsl am choosing words deliberately see little alternative to international bankruptcy." There we have a frank admission from an enemy so powerful as "Galloper" Smith that a hostile Ireland is the ruin of the Empire, and at the same time a splendid testimony to what our friends in America have done and will do for Ireland. We have also a confession that the reason why England climbed down is that strongest of all reasons where England is concerned—her own selfish interest. In a word we have an admission of the victory of Sinn Fein so far as the fight has gone up to date. Meantime, we hone and pray for peace. We know that if it comes it will be peace with victory for Ireland. And. if it does not come in the-immediate future it is bound to come later. Sinn Fein has made Ireland the greatest of international questions; Sinn Fein has wrung a reluctant recognition from" the very enemies that once boasted that they would have no dealing with the "murder gang" whicFthey so often 4 "had by the throat.' We may be permitted to" find some reason for pride in reflecting that we have been amply justified in our unbroken faith in de Valera and his friends; and we congratulate our many supporters who manfully stood by us when our cause seemed, forlorn and enemies both open and secret, prophesied disaster for the one paper in New Zealand that had the courage

to face the truth and stand fearlessly by the Irish Nation in her day of travail. We know the end is not yet; but our oft reiterated confidence in the triumph of right over might; our faith in .the destiny of the old land; our prophecy that liberty will come, because it is good and just and God's own gift to a faithful people, stand surely to-day on firmer grounds than ever before in the history of Ireland. .