IRISH NEWS

New Zealand Tablet, 17 November 1921, Page 35

IRISH NEWS

IRELAND UNITED FOR INDEPENDENCE. . THE TESTIMONY OF AN ENGLISH JOURNALIST. The special correspondent of the New York Times, cabling from Dublin under date Sept-ember 25, says: On the other hand, during the waits by the road caused by our numerous punctures I have always found the women ' ready to give us tea or milk without any charge. In spite of the general terror of helping a Saxon, the old Irish spirit of hospitality prevails. Passing through the villages along the Dublin road we saw strange sights. Most of the little towns have run up the Sinn Fein flag. At Durrow House was a crowd in front of the courthouse marshalled by men with Sinn Fein armlets. A Sinn Fein court was proceeding. A little later on we met some 50 cyclists in plainclothes, but moving along in "close formation." It was not till we came abreast of them that we realised their formation was military and that they were a Sinn Fein cyclist company out for practice. These things come on you suddenly in the peaceful grazing country and they remind you of the shadow before the sunshine. I have investigated the conditions in many villages and it is my sober judgment that to-day there is no party in the. South of Ireland that counts at all except the Republican Party. The whole of the South of Ireland is out for independence from British rule, some by peaceful means, some by violent. I entirely accept the Archbishop of Cashel's reminder that he said he was a man of peace. Of course he is. So are we all. Here all on both sides begin by saying that, but there is a terrible fatality about Irish affairs. From my many talks with the people by the wayside I fully believe they all persistently desire peace. None of them can possibly desire a recurrence of the events of last year and this spring. "It was hell," they all say, tell me of houses wrecked and friends mysteriously arrested and spirited away. "It was hell," say the soldiers also as they tell me of comrades foully murdered and their candor horribly betrayed. They all desire peace. Yes, but always on their own terms. He who really desires peace must have the spirit of peace in his mind. But I find nothing of that over here. The two sides stand absolutely apart. On one side are the soldiers and police, now with absolutely nothing to do and already tired of the idleness of the truce. On the other side are the Irish people. There is a gulf of blood fixed between them, and it will flow again and flow far more freely and terribly unless the civilian statesmen can find a way out. T < * -.- -Do not have the smallest doubt about it that every man of clear judgment here on both sides expects the (incidents of warfare will be far more horrible and the devastation far more extensive if the struggle is renewed. Ireland stands poised on the edge of a volcano and all her life is arrested by doubt of peace or war. : My information suggests that de Valera arid his colleagues refuse to be drawn into any verbal commitments, possibly to be used against them hereafter. The Republican leader told me to-day such private and verbal communications had trapped Redmond and other Irish leaders into false positions and the mistake was unlikely to be repeated to-day. "A plain question," he says, "requiring a plain answer was put to the Premier: whether he requires us to surrender our claims before they are discussed. We know he is anxious to avoid'a direct reply by finding a new" formula which expressly or tacitly would involve expression of allegiance to the Crown Government in advance. We are not going to be trapped into that though we desire peace probably more sincerely than ho does. . "We have no wish to prejudice the course of negotiations, hence we avoid individually expressions of opinion winch in a way have that effect, but you can take it there will be no truckling to intimidation in the form of a demand for preliminary conditions, whatever may follow.V - ' '•■.,' J

The opinion one learns to be firmly held in Sinn Fein circles here is that the Premier's delay in replying is explained by his desire to manoeuvre Bail Eireann into a position where blame for a breakdown in the peace negotiations could he fastened on Ireland. I am told, as a f.°“* ! avor “ t r . continuation of the peace negotiations that the Crown Ministry has considered an estimate of the cost of a war of reconqnest in Ireland, and that figures foi tioops and finance closely approximate the cost of the South African War. It is wished to avoid this huge task, ‘ ARTHUR GRIFFITH’S FIRM STAND. under Dublin message to the press of the United States under date September 20, said: ’ The Bail Eireann Cabinet sat all afternoon awaiting a reply from Lloyd George to de Valera’s telegram. said to-night 1 ’ V,Ce Presidnt o f «“> I«M> Republic, . ,“I question now whether England is seeking peace or Jist trying to sell Ireland a gold brick. If England seeks to impose preliminary conditions before the conference it « mil be conclusive proof that Lloyd George is trying to impose upon Ireland the same tricks that his predecessors imposed upon O’Connell, Butt, and Redmond ? “Any Irish representative who would sit down to a conference with British representatives with his hands tied would be as helpless as a fly in a spider’s net, and less deserving of sympathy. It is obvious that no settlement can be reached unless there is an unfettered conference. If the British Government doesnot allow „ s free entrance to the conrence it doe/not want a settlement and is only play acting to deceive the world. y 1 y front J on S mmfHct is to be ended permanently by treaty with the British it must be done along the broad of ending navy and free trade. That is the only chance of ending our latest'war with Great Britain and establishing unity between the two countries. false.’’ lll6l ' 0 WiU be 110 ohance to-morrow if Britain plays on Sundav^ 110 of tlle Pre mier’s office who came to Dublin on. Sunday on a personal mission from Lloyd George tocay sounded our Arthur Griffith os to whether Se ts any possible chance for a backdown by the Sinn Fein. ~w n\ fo ™‘' c that there was none. Griffith said: We neior will go back upon our present position.” THE NEW YORK NATION ON dominion status ami 7 a , l me W . ,Cn pK,ce de P ends 0,1 straight thinking and straight speaking, it does not help matters for British Ireland™"" papers to represent Lloyd George’s offer to Australia Sr;'™* *° , What is ° yed by Canada or conceded Lloyd George has conceded much- he has not needed uhat the Dominions enjoy. They can and do (whether wisely or not is another matter) lay protective W S fI?T- British goods. Ireland hi. right required their own taxes. So may Ireland, but she is required to accept a portiok of the Imperial debt and - arbitration as to the amount lias been rejected. It ’could be set so high as to leave nothing for a constructive inteinal programme of education and national development, from the / t 0 f XT impoSed on a nation which believes that Tam’’ it hTf ® ear y , 11 - to the days of the “Black-and--131,8 it has found in the British connection only sorrow exploitation and depopulation. The provisions for naval and air stations and for recruiting Irish regiments have no parallel in the Dominions. They put Irish strength now alienated, entirely behind the Empire, and deny Ireland a foreign policy of her own at the very time the Dominions are asserting their right to such a policy as a condition of true self-government. But none of' these Em ™," I " sh stand P° in Vis as serious as the British failure to put pressure on the six-county Bister 1 arlament in the interest of Irish unity. Irish leaders, to their everlasting credit, will not try, to coerce Ulster by orce of. arms; they will grant large autonomy; but they have a right to resent a British division of Ireland. This is the position of Home Rulers, like Sir Horace Plunkett * no less than of Sinn Peiners. ’