THE AMERICAN COMMISSION ON CONDITIONS IN IRELAND

New Zealand Tablet, 6 October 1921, Page 7

THE AMERICAN COMMISSION ON CONDITIONS IN IRELAND

INTERIM REPORT

(Continued from last week.)

CHAPTER V.

Policy of Assassination

The assassination of members of the British forces began in 1919, after three years of the British terror in Ireland, and has since proceeded intermittently, and still continues. With the exception of the shooting of the British officers (one of whom was Lieutenant Angliss) in Dublin, on November 21, 1920, the victims of the assassinations of which Ave have cognisance were isolated .individuals, not groups. No women or children, priests or ministers, or prisoners of war seem to have suffered. These assassinations have occurred all over Ireland, from Lisburn to Cork, from Dublin to Galway. They have been carried out under the most public circumstances and within the very shadow of Dublin Castle, a mockery and a defiance of British rule. And officers of high rank in the British system of Imperial authority have been numbered among the victims. The assassinations of Swanzy and Smyth and the kidnapping of General Lucas seem to indicate to us that a nation-wide organisation, with a very perfect secret service, and with disciplined men to execute its orders, must have been created in Ireland to make such punitive measures possible. There is no evidence that this is a British organisation. It Avould seem to exist in spite of British efforts to suppress it and to be continuing to function with effectiveness. Under these circumstances it would appear that the Imperial authorities are not free from responsibility for the failure to take proper precautions to safeguard their officers in Ireland.

"The British troops," says Mrs. Robinson, "must go about from point to point sometimes in quite small bodies. The policemen have also done that. And that has made it comparatively simple for a member, say of some secret society in Ireland, if some such society exists, or any Sinn Feiner, if he feels exasperatedit provides opportunity for the murders that have occurred. Many of us have felt that it was a very unfortunate method for the distribution of the troops in Ireland."

No political opponent of the Irish Republic is alleged to have suffered in person for his opinions. The organisation seemingly exists for punitive and deterrent assassinations; and would appear to consist necessarily of Irish

citizens. Miss Mac Sweeney and other witnesses have testfied to the efforts made by Irish leaders to constrain Irish citizens to endure in patience and of the success of these efforts for three years in spite of increasing terrorism. We have evidence also of the difficulties under which the Irish Republic functions, so that it cannot perfectly protect its own citizens or conduct its proper business. It is therefore hard to determine the degree to which the Irish Republican .Government is responsible for the policy of assassinations or "executions." The arrest and imprisonment of General Lucas, who ordered the shooting of Sinn Feiners summarily with machine guns, the rescue of Teeling, and the justification of the Dublin killings by a responsible Republican leader would, ; however, seem to us to indicate that the official disclaimer .of Irish Republican responsibility must rest on a ' technicality. And the punitive and deterrent assassinations which 'we have noted would seem to be an organised part of the defence of the Irish Republic and a function of its army, or of some special branch of it. In this opinion we are strengthened by the placing in evidence of an attested copy of the Manchester Guardian of December 13, 1920, containing a proclamation alleged to have been issued by the Officer Commanding the forces of the Irish Republic in the County of Monaghan, and dated Headquarters, December 3, 1920:

"Whereas in several districts in my command armed gangs of men patrol the public roads at night and open fire, with murderous intent, on people pursuing their ordinary avocation, and

"Whereas one of such gangs has perpetrated a most odious and brutal murder, and several others have attempted murder, the public must at once realise that Ireland is in a state of war with the forces of the British Crown, and, while we extend the hand of friendship to all Irishmen, armed murder gangs aggressive to the 1.R.A., also- guides and informers for the enemy forces, shall be summarily dealt with as opportunity offers;

"Further, be it known that the recent raids for arms by the I.R.A. were carried out in compliance with an allIreland Order to collect all arms, without distinction of the owners' creed or class, in anticipation of a general collection by the British Government forces;

"The licence, to collect only extended for a period of twenty-four- hours in each brigade, no more force was used than was necessary, a receipt will be given for all arms taken, and these will be returned when circumstances permit; '

"This was made clear at the time to all parties concerned. Consequently, no section of the people (other than those referred to above) need entertain any fear of interference with person or property; on the contrary, the I.R.A. recognises it as a part of its duty to offer protection to all. By order, 0.C., Co. Monaghan.

"Headquarters, December 3, 1920."

Trial Before" Assassination.—lt has been testified before us that these assassinations are executions by Irish Republican agents of justice, implying legal condemnation delivered after trial; and that such members of the Imperial British forces as are executed in this manner are informers and spies, provocateurs and murderers. While evidence of murder of Irish women and children has been submitted to us, no transcript of such alleged v trials of the perpetrators has been offered to justify any of the killings noted by us of British officers; and except in the case of Smyth and to some extent in the cases of Swanzy, Angliss, and his fellow-officers, and Penstraw, the evidence placed before us is too meagre to permit generalisation as to the character or duties of the particular persons slain.

Regrettable Circumstances of Assassinations absence of the accused, with perhaps the exception of Captain Lendrum, from such trials would appear to us as regrettable as it is usual, and necessarily to condemn the procedure as unjust; and even if we admit the presumption of guilt, we would still the more earnestly deprecate these "executions." Their power as a deterrent to evil seems'to us insignificant when compared with the weakness inherent in their haphazard nature. In the Dublin assassinations some* of the British officers seem to have been identified merely by the occupancy of rooms. .

It would seem that assassination in the presence of

relatives occurred certainly in, the case of one of the British officers in Dublin. The testimony of - the Misses

Walsh, Mr. Morgan, and others regarding : the murders of Lord Mayor Mac Curtain, Patrick Walsh, ; James Lynch, John Sherlock, the Bantry hunchback boy, Thomas Dwyer,

and others shows that assassination in the midst of .the family was a British practice in Ireland.' It would appear to us: that to copy this practice in Ireland can have the effect only of degrading the Irish people and their cause. We would be glad to think that the instance we have mentioned of this practice by the Irish is unique and will not be duplicated. 7 ...'."'..

'. Effect of Assassinations.— the scanty material at our disposal it is difficult to estimate the effect of these assassinations upon the Irish cause. Assassinations would appear to be an unreliable method of removing specific criminals and ending their harmfulness. The gaps left in high places can always be filled. The removal of Swanzy and Smyth has brought in more Swanzys and more Smyths

It would appear to have discouraged certain of the lower ranks. The testimony before us shows the resignation of about 500 members of the R.I C, perhaps not wholly unconnected with the danger of their duties, as expounded by Smyth, Lucas, Deasey, and other commanders. ' But the places of those who resigned have been' filled up by Englishmen necessarily less familiar with the country, but, as' the evidence showed, seemingly more ruthless.

According to the testimony of Mr. Ginnell, corroborated by D. F. Crowley, a former member of the 11.1.0.:

"A reward of £IO,OOO, or about $40,000, was offered by the English Government in every part of the city of Dublin, especially in the poor slums, for certain information and for certain men, dead or alive; and the reward was never claimed, although hundreds among those people knew where the man named could be found. The expression that a man was to be found "dead or alive" meant that he might be shot at sight, and that the reward would be given to the person .who shot him and 'produced the body. That was the meaning of it. It was an incitement to murder. It was a licence to kill." .:■ /

The fidelity of certain people was doubtless favored .and the cupidity of spies discouraged by the 'danger of assassination which waited for informers. The security of Irish leaders may thus have been enhanced, but at the cost of the security of the general population to an extent demonstrably greater than leadership alone could make good. Such immediate success as this policy seemed to achieve appears to us of doubtful value compared with its demonstrated failure both to safeguard the lives of the Irish people in Ireland, and to sustain the moral appeal of the Irish cause in other lands. We would point out the difficulty of controlling this policy of secret tribunal and summary execution; and the tendency of it to extend ,its scope to include not only enemies Abut also envied friends of the Irish cause. J Summary. The Imperial British "' forces in Ireland

have suffered three categories of casualties, totalling apparently hot more than 600: (1) accidental, incidental, and disciplinary casualties; (2) casualties incurred in re-

gular military operations; and (3) casualties 'due to discriminate assassination.

Of the casualties in the first category we hold the Irish people guiltless.

The casualties in the second category, inflicted by the Irish in military operations, which they appear to have conducted honorably, and upon the legality of which we are debarred from passing, seem to require from us only

■. the same expression of our sympathy with the relatives : /which we sincerely proffer to all victims of the war in 'lreland. i '

We hold that the British have incurred. casualties in the tffird category, and in so far as those assassinated were Spies, provocateurs, and murderers, and as such were conscientiously fulfilling their appointed duties as British agents we hold the British Government negligent in failing adequately to protect its agents to whom it -assigned such dangerous duties. We are of the opinion that these discriminate casualties are sustained at "the hands of organised citizens of the ■) Irish Republic, acting allegedly as x an extra-governmental body at war with the special enemies of Irish peace and security. v. But in so, far as the Government of ' the Irish : Republic is responsible; for /the ■ acts of its s citizens; it would,seem to us to be responsible for these deplorable assassinations, and to suffer because of them in the public opinion of the world." ;• ,"

■ ; , We further find that in 'the four" years since the Irish Revolution^ British casualties have averaged not more than twenty-six hundredths of ;■ one per cent., per annum of/the forces engaged and in tin year exceeded three "er 1,000 of these forces. These figures would,*seem to us, to indicate a spirit of restraint in the Irish people. • t (To be continued.)