Current Topics

New Zealand Tablet, 29 September 1921, Page 14

Current Topics

The Facts of the Case

; When our Mr. Massey returns from his journey, he will tell us tall tales by way of persuading us that it was worth while sending him. Our truly reliable and never-to-be-doubted day-lie men have given us columns of. piffle that assured us that in our fine, big, bluff Orange Prime Minister we had the greatest thing that ever happened in the way of statesmen. But, in anticipation, of the gas-attack that is to come when "the statesman" takes up his fifty-seven portfolios once more, it is just as well to know what a man on the spot thought of the job which Mr. Massey has charged the Dominion some thousands of badly needed pounds for assisting in. Here, short and sweet, is what the London Nation has to say about it:

"Six weeks of secret diplomacy, varied by eloquent enunciations of nothings at public luncheons, is no very inspiring advertisement for the British Commonwealth of Nations." Just keep that before your mind and compare it with the Munchausen-like stories that Mr. Massey will tell us about his diplomatic endeavors.'

British Journalism

Countess Marciewicz was imprisoned among street walkers by the British because she was guilty of loving a small nation. She came forth from the hell of a British gaol, broken down in body but not in spirit. In the following extract the public may judge of the chivalry and gentlemanliness of the Otago Daily Times (edited by Mr. James Hutchison and long managed by Sir George Fenwick) which thus attacks a cultured and noble woman, in a spirit worthy of the Black-and-Tans who murdered Mrs. Quinn and her unborn babe:

"Bhoys, kape the door!— tuk the flure The Prisidint wi' jumps an' kicks! An' see him jig— Day Valayry— Wi' bewcheous Countess Markyvicks!

" The printer, for reasons best known to himself-pos-sibly because he had seen the lady's portrait" in the picture papers— out the epithet 'bewcheous,' thereby spoiling the metre. I quote the verse to suggest that if Mr. de Valera would give the. Countess Markievicz another jigging turn he might jig her into a less truculent frame of mind."

The Dublin " Leader "

On August 6, this year, the Leader, came of age, after twenty-one years of magnificent and vital service to Irish Ireland. Twenty-one years ago the early copies of this splendid weekly used to reach us in our studentdays among the olive groves of Tivoli and we can recall as if it were but yesterday . with . what interest we watched the rise of an organ which from the first struck a true, clear note that awakened the slumber ers. all over Ireland. The Leader pushed Irish principles to their inexorable and logical conclusions; it waged relentless war on raimeis and sunburstry; it "taught contempt for the spouting men as compared with the men of action; it poured murderous ridicule on the little clerks in Government offices and elsewhere who on a pound a week fancied themselves, as perhaps they were, the last word of West British culture. Week after week the Leader insisted on the necessity of encouraging Irish industries and discouraging trade in English shoddy. It instilled into the young people a proper pride in their nationality; it made them ashamed not to know something of their own language; it preached unweariedly the importance of the revival of Gaelic sports, Gaelic songs, Gaelic speech, and Gaelic ideals. From it every Irish boy and girl who had brains learned to appraise at value the posturings and the airs , I pi ; the cockney-Irish "Society" people that aped the ways of London and forgot their own souls. -It branded the

"sourfaces"; it threw a white light of truth upon the "garrison" ; it made—actually madethe young people ashamed to be seen reading British, Sunday papers and similar sewage. In all these and in other ways, the Leader did glorious pioneer service and made ready the minds and-hearts of men and women for the lessons of freedom that were to be preached from the house-tops in a later day by Pearse and Connolly. If Irish Ireland is a reality now much credit for the achievement is due to the work of the Dublin Leader. May Mr. Moran long continue to direct it', and in its prime may it do still greater service for the Irish Nation.

The Pubiic Amused

In dull Dunedin the people now and then are provided with amusement by Professor John Dickie. For a long time he has been unmindful of our claims on his charity and accomplishments. Since he and the Reverend Mr. Davies gave a real, old-fashioned, full-flavored Orange exhibition in Knox Church the cold chain of silence has hung on the Professor. We were glad to see that he has consented to give another exhibition. He was up to his best form in the Star last weeknearly as good as he was in a certain furtive and semi-private recital given some time, ago in the Orange organ of sweetness and light. We were beginning to think he had lost his dash when to our delight he showed that he still retained his form. But was it not too cruel of those mischievous letter-writers who kept on sending in letters with no other object than that of drawing out the poor Professor? We note that in his letter he asserts that we imagine he is beneath notice. We regret that we ever conveyed such an impression. We enjoy him as much as the students do at Capping . time, and whatever helps to amuse us is always worth some notice.

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A Chance for Mr. Massey

New Zealand loves its Prime Minister so much that it is ready on the slightest pretext to give him a big purse in order to enable him to visit his fellow-states-men in Europe. Of course in that we are acting as good Samaritans, knowing well and truly what infinite lessons of wisdom and statecraft the other benighted Premiers derive from our illustrious William during his periodical appearances in the chief cities of Europe. Some people love him so much that they xleem it wrong of him to return so soon, and it is alleged on all sides that the country would shoulder the burden of a very, prolonged absence on his part in a very kindly spirit. Others, who love sport, say they are pleased that he is coming back to New Zealand, as they will be deeply interested in seeing how his master-mind will deal with certain ethical and financial problems which are going to arise for his consideration in the near future. They are such that no common or garden person could hope to deal with them to the satisfaction of the public; and as they are also such that the public will insist on plain dealing with them Mr. Massey's future feats of statesmanship will afford keen sport to the sports. It is perhaps unfortunate for him that he will not have the field all to himself, as he has had during the late lamented war for small nations, including Ireland. Then William's word was law; now, for one reason or another, it is not quite as efficient as it used to be. Farmers who are face to face with hard times, Government employes who are listening for the scratching of the wolf at the door, and in fact all classes of people except the Members of Parliament and Ministers who have secured an increase of salary in a season of general depression, will be on the alert to see that bluff Bill as his admirers call him shall not evade a single round in the fight that is before him. As an indication of the nature of that fight the following remarks of Mr. McCombs may be read with profit: ' "Finance is going to receive considerable attention ,this session," remarked. Mr. McCombs. "The Government has not been quite frank about it. First we are told of the six million surplus, then of the empty Treasury, when - the actual fact, is that there was over ten and three-quarter millions sterling in the Consolidated Fund, made up of the six million surplus and the previous ; year's surplus of two and a-quarter millions,

besides a balance from previous years' surpluses. As no sane Government would leave such large sums lying idle, some of it was invested in London and other securities, but all of it should be available at reasonable notice. The Government has certainly created conditions which make it easy to resist plans for social and educational improvement which would cost money. Though the expenditure has exceeded the revenue by two millions during the first four months of the financial year, if we continue at the same rate the worst which can happen is that the figures come out even, while former surpluses are available.' There is certainly no justification for dipping into the pockets of the public servants by way of dismissals or reductions of salaries to make up deficiencies in lean years, when these surpluses of fat years should be rightly drawn upon. ''Something should be done to remove anomalies in taxation, more especially company taxation, not so much because the shareholders are suffering, but because the public is carrying a very heavy burden by these taxes being passed on, enabling a few large shareholders in these companies to enjoy an income free from taxation." "Coming back to my former point," concluded Mr. McCombs, "it would interest the public to know that at the end of March the Government had fourteen and a-half millions of money belonging to various departments of State invested—some of this loan money, and some from the revenue— that it has increased those investments since March."

The Decay of Manners

A judge recently pointed out in England that the manners of children had undergone a startling change since Victorian times, and he connected result and cause when he alluded to the laxity of parents of the present day who fail in many cases to control and to punish offending children. Recently we saw that Lord Bryce found fault with the manners of our Parliamentary representatives, and we wondered what he would say if he had an opportunity of observing the conduct of the youths of the Dominion who have too often not a particle of respect for the wishes of their parents. Two causes are responsible for the lack of manners here. The godless schools are eradicating Christianity"which is the foundation of true courtesy, and negligent parents are tacitly encouraging young rebels to violate the laws, not only of good breeding but of God Himself. Punishment and reproof of children seem out of date. The rod is spared and the children spoiled. Unfortunately the deterioration extends to morals as well as manners, and to girls as well as boys. When parents permit girls to go with whom they please, and to remain out late at night in circumstances unknown to fathers and mothers what can they expect will be the fruit of their guilty neglect of duty ? When we consider the evil influences of our whole environment, of the picture-shows, of the current novels, of the newspaper reports, and of a peopl» that to a great extent have ceased to be swayed by religious and moral restraints, is it not almost certain that when parental laxity is added to the other occasions of sin there must be. an alarming and widespread lowering of character? It is an old-fashioned and wholesome truth that parents will not be judged alone when they come to render an account of their stewardship. God placed them in a position of trust and guardianship with regard to their children, and He will call them to a strict account as to" the manner in which they have performed their duties. If parents were not so often what they have become homes would not be what they too often are to-day and the moral tone of the Dominion would be far higher and healthier than it is at present.

Ireland

Although the press tells us that there is surprise in Ireland because negotiations between de Valera and Lloyd George were likely to be broken off, we are not inclined to believe that such - ; is the case. . •; The Irish people from the first move regarded Lloyd George with suspicion begotten of his own shady record, and we are in •; position to assert positively that Sinn Fein at no time built high hopes on the British Prime Minister's

professions. What hopes they did build were not exactly such as our press expected: the Irish people knew, that Lloyd George's policy of frightfulness had failed, and that the cause of its failure was the determination and the unity of the whole Irish race, and it was on this knowledge they logically assumed that if contemplated treachery was not at the root of Lloyd George's eagerness for a conference a knowledge of his own failure and weakness was. Hence it was absurd to think that Ireland was going to-yield one iota of her rights, or to abate the claims which were based even on British pledges. Threats of a renewal of frightfulness did not affect the situation: a people that had gone through the fire for many years were not to be intimidated by threats; and, hence, on July 25, the Irish Bulletin declared that the Irish would return to the wilderness rather than accept anything compromising to national honor and national independence. All Ireland, knowing the price paid for freedom, knowing what Mac Sweeney and McCurtain and Pearse and Connolly had paid, is united in its determination to be true to the dead, and Arthur Griffiths' paper, Young Ireland, spoke for the nation when, on July 30, it said : "The restoration of our rights as a nation is the true remedy for the malady of Ireland. This alone will remove the cause of war." From the very beginning de Valera made it plain that no settlement was possible unless Ireland was granted the right of self-determination, and those who at any time thought he would weaken on that issue knew the Irish leader not at all. His latest reply to Lloyd George is consistent with every word he has said for the past four years, and, as spokesman for his country, he could say nothing but what he now says once more: "In this final note we deem it our duty to affirm our position. Our nation has formally declared its independence, and recognises itself as a sovereign State. It is only as representatives of that State that we have any authority to act on behalf of our people as regards the principle of government by consent of the governed. In the very nature of things this must be the basis of any agreement that will achieve the purpose that we have at heart —that is, the final reconciliation of your nation with ours. We have suggested there can be no interpretation of that principle save its every day interpretation— the sense, for example, in which it was understood by plain men and women of the world on January 5, 1918, when you said: The settlement of a new Europe must be based on such grounds of reason and justice as will give some promise of stability. Therefore it is that we feel that government with the consent of the governed must be the basis of any territorial settlement in this war.'

These words, if true, are an answer to the criticism of our position which your last letter put forward. The principle was then understood to mean the right of nations that have been annexed to empires against their will to free themselves from the "grappling hook." Our morning paper pretends that this principle did not apply to the case of Ireland, but our morning paper conveniently ignores that, in "a recruiting proclamation the British Government expressly applied it to Ireland. Not only does de Valera claim Ireland's rights but he also asks Mr. Lloyd George to try for once in his life to do such a simple thing as keep a solemn pledge. Mr. Lloyd George proves he is unable to do that at present. And so we.await the next move in the game. Will it be a renewal of Brithun frightfulness, with more murders of aged priests and pregnant women, or will it be another volte face on the part of the Welshman? Elections and the Washington conference are near, and Lloyd George does not forget his own interests though he often forgets the interests of England. ■ ■j. That Irishmen foresaw that the negotiations would come to little is clear from the .following letter, written in July to Mr. John Meagher of Bathurst: ..•-:" /■■>; ,„ " -•;.:' , Ennis, 24/7/'2l. ■■%, .": Dear Mr. Meagher,l got your interesting letter from Singapore I hope by this time you and the Archbishop have arrived safely home after your long voyage.' Before this reaches • you: all the efforts at Irish peace

will, I fear, be ancient history. At| one-time things looked promising and I thought the British Cabinet were in earnest. But our delegates returned yesterday to Dublin; without finding them"'".willing to furnish a legitimate" basis on which to hold a Peace Conference. The pretence, of course, is the stale one— that the N.E. Orangemen would not forgo their determination to resist an United Parliament. "Do you hold out and we, will back you" is the motto. Whether negotiations will now break off hopelessly I cannot say. It looks like it, and.that our little country is to be plunged a'gain into the horrors familiar to you. There is consolation in the beatitude, "Blessed are they who suffer persecution for justice sake." Thank you very much for your kind sentiments, which I heartily appreciate.

With my blessing and fond wishes, yours faithfully,

* M. Fogarty,

Bishop of Killaloe. Mr. John Meagher, Bathurst. v

We take it that Bishop Fogarty is better qualified to express an opinion on. the spirit of the Irish /people than any day-lie man, and our readers will see now he corroborates our own view, so often published in the pages of the Tablet. DO YOU HOLD OUT AND WE WILL BACK YOU, is the motto given by the people for the guidance of their representatives. Now that they have held out and have been true to their trust, true to Erin and to her immortal dead, the people will back them, even to following them once more into the wilderness until they make an end of the oppression of their land and lift her up to her rightful place among the nations. And, with God's blessing, we. and every true Celt in the Greater Ireland beyond the seas will also back them. Only let us hope that the days of tribulation that may come shall find little chaff among the wheat.