The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1921. IRELAND
never fought a foe without using fellMi the weapon of falsehood. We saw how ' iPlflh that saying was verified during the last S 4 N var We saw how an English agent spent the weapon of falsehood. We saw how ( Liat saying was verified during the last war. We saw how an English agent spent in the United States millions of pounds bribing newspapers to do England’s propaganda work. And now we find that when opinion is against Ireland, the papers quoted to prove that falsehood are our old friends, so often cited during the war to show, mar ’dearth, ’the American opinion about Germany. Our own papers are as usual supporting might against right and exhibittheir customary incapacity to deal with arguments based on moral, historical, and national grounds. As was foretold by not only Irish but by English journalists, Lloyd George offered de Valera what he knew the Irish leader could not accept and then tried to use the refusal as a weapon against Sinn Fein. In his present efforts he has all the ponderous, stupid assistance our Colonial pi ess can give him, and our local editors are vieing with each other in their pursuit of the coveted 0.8. E., or haply of a snug shelter on the shelves of the Upper House. Their weapons are British, of course. De Valera and all who support him are fanatics. The utterances of the distinguished Irish scholar are declared by local smoky rush-lights to be vague and illogical. And the climax is reached by the Daily Times editor who moans helplessly that the President ignores the century-old Act of Union ! Do. not smile at that. It is too pitiable for amusement. It is indeed in keeping with the man’s entire attitude concerning Ireland that he should fall back for support on a contract which Professor Dicey pronounced hopelessly, vitiated by fraud, which Gladstone declared to be the foulest thing done in the whole history of humanBut the foul thing and the vitiated thing are the Daily Times man’s last ditch when he wants to justify England’s assertion of her right to interfere with another —with one of the small nations to which England during the war pledged freedom.
■ . As we pointed out before, the fact that while the Southern Unionists all met de. Valera and came to an agreement with him, before-he-went’to London, Sir
James Craig refused even to discuss matters, suggested a suspicion that the. artificial Ulster was again being used by English politicians for their own ends. Another suspicious circumstance was that in his first letter to Lloyd George, who sought the conference, de Valera made it quite plain that there was no reason in going on unless England recognised two facts, namely, that Ireland was one nation and that the Irish people had the right to determine their own affairs without outside interference. Her© are his words to Lloyd George:
“Sir,— I have received your letter. I am in consultation with such of the representatives of our nation as are available. We most earnestly desire to help in bringing about a lasting peace between the peoples of these two islands, hut see no avenue by which it can he reached if you deny Ireland’s essential unity and set aside the principle of national self-determination .”
“Eamon de Valera.”
Lloyd George had before him that assurance of a man, who unlike himself, was absolutely true to his word; and he knew that, besides honor, loyalty to Pearse and Connolly and MacDonough with whom de Valera fought side by side in Easter Week would bind Ireland’s spokesman not to barter the substance for which these heroes died for a shadow offered by the British Prime Minister whose pledged word no man can trust. Knowing all this he offered what de Valera could not take, and then with vain rhetoric endeavored to persuade the world that he had acted honestly. His reply to de Valera once more asserts that he offers what he in reality withholds. His Welsh eloquence cannot conceal the grim fact that he has tried to maintain the artificial division whereby a Catholic minority are to be left at the mercy of that Orange majority which for nearly a year has gone on murdering men and women and burning their homes, apparently to the complete satisfaction of the British Government; and that in every period he claims the Prussian privilege of exploiting Ireland in the selfish interests of England. Stripped of all its flowers and figures of speech that is exactly what his reply comes to: in it he once more breaks the pledge made to Ireland that she should be free as Poland and Belgium are free; in it, too, he gives the lie to his own oratorical query: “Why’ did God make small nations if he did not intend them to be free?” He was on sure ground. He knew that Ireland had paid too high,., a price to surrender lightly her rights. And, at once, all over the Empire the whole machinery of the hireling press was set in motion with the result that for days past we have had our helpless Star man shrieking “fanatics,” and our ancient “Granny Times whining about the ignoring of the century-old and infamous Act of Union. On the other hand, notwithstanding cable lies and editorial lies, the Irish in the Dominion, in Australia, and in America know that de Valera is true and loyal and above reproach, and their hearts are more than ever with him to-day and in the days to come, be they dark or bright. He stands for right against might; he stands for justice against selfish despotism; he stands too for all that Ireland owes to her brave and unforgotten dead. And, God helping us, we are with him to the end. )
Ireland s position is that she believes what England pretended to believe when England wanted to arouse humanity for the sake of small nations. The recent conferences have been an admission that Ireland is a nation. A nation is essentially entitled to determine for herself her own affairs without outside selfish interference: England admitted that when in danger. A nation that is governed in the interests of another nation is not free. Lloyd George tries to pretend that Ireland is offered freedom while he insists that English interests must decide Ireland’s destiny In other words, he contradicts himself, while he has an army of hirelings in Dunedin and elsewhere to persuade' people that he is acting in a perfectly straightforward manner. His very threat of force ; to " be applied i^tbY
Ireland unless Ireland falls in with England's views is the clearest proof that instead of freedom he only offers a gilded serfdom. What of his threats! Up to the end of May his forces have murdered' 396 Irish men, women, and children partially or wholly destroyed 3286 homes, creameries, factories, public halls,' and shops. Nearly a thousand men have been wounded by. his drunken soldiers firing at human beings •as if they were vermin. Hundreds of men and boys have been beaten and flogged and tortured. Over three thousand men and women have been confined without charge or trial in camps and barracks. One thousand five hundred others have been sent as criminals into penal servitude. Everything that devilish barbarity could do has been done to crush the people. And their response to it all has been to declare more firmly than ever that British despotism must cease in Ireland, and that their country must have the right—for which England said the war was waged —to rule itself without outside interference. People whom such frightfulness could not crush will cheerfully face the " sterner measures" of the Brithuns, and they will win in the end. Read Archbishop Mannix's words, spoken in Sydney the other day: to you for help. If you give no help, even if America turns her back, Ireland has made up her mind. She is united, resolute, her will unbroken. Irishmen, with their own strong arms, will free their country." Yes, read that message and kneel down and thank God if you have any of the blood of that heroic people in your veins. Pray too that God may put a speedy end to her pains and frustrate the schemes of her powerful enemies. , . GOD SAVE IRELAND!
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New Zealand Tablet, Volume XLVIII, Issue 35, 1 September 1921, Page 25
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1,397The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1921. IRELAND New Zealand Tablet, Volume XLVIII, Issue 35, 1 September 1921, Page 25
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