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The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, AUGUST 11, 1921. THE OUTLOOK IN IRELAND

NCE upon a time the Ballykelly Reading o m) which met, at least once, in a hall fi |(M on the slopes of Slieve Coyltha, looking §N€E upon the river Barrow, drew for * Room, which met, at least once, in a hall on the slopes of Slieve Coyltha, looking - down on the river Barrow, drew up for the guidance of its members a set of rules which began I by asserting: “We have no intention of embarrassing the British Government,” The other day, the Aus- , tralian Government came to the same conelusion and limped lamely out of a corner by deciding v: that it might , embarrass the British Government if the. j unholy howl of the Orangemen was obeyed and the - I oath of allegiance tendered to Archbishop Mannix upon f ■ his._ arrival in New Zealand after his naval defeat by h the English fleet. We observe that the enlightened ' policy of Ballykelly is being, observed at present by ij several wise New Zealand editors, and while protesting. I great respect for the renowned exemplar and wishing to imitate its spirit, we nevertheless ? feel constrained to make, a few remarks concerning the. present ' prospects , of the small nation f which is the victim of the people , who told us that, they went ,to war with clean hands * to free. all oppressed peoples. - ' t iC ' _ .. . -V.. •• i

’■ If > the -cables can be trustedand that ; is a ; serious ’ "if”—the situation is ; not hopeless. : v Grounds . for- op- •

timism are not very substantial .up to date, but that there are such grounds we believe to be the fact. First, L the protest of the Ulster Orangemen against the conference with de Valera is a good sign; for if they were Vlnot' apprehensive that justice might' be done their I: cry of distress would have meaning. be second sign cry of distress would have no meaning. A second sign J -is that even Galloper Smith rebuked some angry Britplhuns who echoed the clamor of Carsonia ; and it is the

111 first time (since he, the pro-German plotter, hanged l|i: his political opponent, Casement) that he gave any m evidence that he retained the use of reason where IreI land is concerned. Again, the tone of editorial re■ff marks in well-meaning maniacs like the Morning Post if: and the Spectator is proof that the British Junkers ■£££.; are beginning to believe that the Government has dis- , covered that Greenwood’s murder campaign is a failure, llpjj-;- and that Sinn Fein must be reckoned with, if only for the sake of England herself. Lloyd George’s silence is V- another good omen. As a rule he is blatant and ver--144 bose to tiresomeness. That he is reticent now is a sign f’j , that he has offered so much that he does not want a | f.}y premature display of Orange insanity to disturb the discussions. Stronger than all these indications is the ? fact that Sinn Fein has taken the proposals seriously enough to spend much time in deliberating on them : 4 for it is certain that if the proposals were not substan- ■; tially close to the aims for which the Irish people have !‘; ; l fought so bravely such proposals would have been 4 ! ,' scouted long ago by do Valera. True, Dail Eireann 4 has not met to consider them but the fact that they £44 are thought worth bringing before the Dail is an indication that there is a sound basis for discussion as to

fe, their acceptance. One other factor is important at ). present. In a short time there is going to be a coni' ference at Washington. Lloyd George is to represent ’ Britaip, Britain is in sore need of friendship with if! America; British trade is crippled; British credit is at a low ebb everywhere British finances are paralysed through many causes, not the least of which is the fact v; that £50,000,000 of yearly interest must be found *•■■■ for the American loan. Now/ England, and her repre|U- sentative Lloyd George, have not a shadow of hope of 4; friendship with the United States as long as the Irish I Question is unsettled. Lloyd George will be kicked out of America, as so many British statesmen were before I’ ■ him, by the Irish millions if he is not able to say to , the American people: “We have made amends now; \ we were false to our pledges we deceived America as !■; we deceived Ireland ; but all that is past and done with, f A and we face the world to-day, friends with Ireland, tf conscious of our past crimes, and anxious that the sins of the shameful years that are gone be forgotten.” If |§7■ he can say that there is hope for him and for England; Wh but until the Irish settlement is a fact there is no m hope.

pi[44 Hope does not now rest on British pledges. It has ; nothing to do with British justice, British fair play, or p - British honor. The Irishman who would, in the light Ip’ ? of past history, base a shadow of hope on any one of these things would be insane. Hope rests on somei thing more substantial: its basis is British selfishness. Lip,; Lloyd George must see that he has to choose between Y the friendship of bankrupt Belfast and its Orange bigots Ip; and that of "wealthy America with its tireless millions Ip: of , Irish exiles who have sworn that there shall be no i help forthcoming for England until justice is done to ffi'Pthe land of their fathers. In a word, Sinn Fein has so

seriously embarrassed the British (government that England is finding it a paying proposition to reconsider her policy of cruel oppression and exploitation of a weak but unconquerable people. Do not attach any importance to the silly editorial comments as to the attitude of extremists in Ireland. The wonderful fact that the . truce has been observed by Sinn Fein (while it was violated by the Orangemen) is proof of the union of the Irish people and of their perfect organisation under de Valera. The other day we read in one of the most vigorous (organs of , the Irish Republic an editorial statement to the effect that if the Irish people accepted 0AK!.... •: •• ; ' j.-.- V—." ‘ vuWUb.' ..Vs,.-♦ . ..'Vs., • .Art '1 A .'.r.* ~•; si, ,

Dominion Home Rule Sinn Fein would loyally, if sadly, abide by their verdict; for the Irish cause is the noble cause which England falsely alleged she fought for: The right of the people to choose their own form of government.

This article text was automatically generated and may include errors. View the full page to see article in its original form.I whakaputaina aunoatia ēnei kuputuhi tuhinga, e kitea ai pea ētahi hapa i roto. Tirohia te whārangi katoa kia kitea te āhuatanga taketake o te tuhinga.
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Bibliographic details
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New Zealand Tablet, 11 August 1921, Page 25

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1,101

The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, AUGUST 11, 1921. THE OUTLOOK IN IRELAND New Zealand Tablet, 11 August 1921, Page 25

The New Zealand Tablet THURSDAY, AUGUST 11, 1921. THE OUTLOOK IN IRELAND New Zealand Tablet, 11 August 1921, Page 25

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