Current Topics

New Zealand Tablet, 5 June 1919, Page 14

Current Topics

Class-War f~ At the root of all modern troubles is the reign of the triple lust—concupiscence of the eyes,, pride of life, and concupiscence of the flesh. Vainly have the politicians promised that the war would bring about the renovation and the reconstruction of society and the end of the evils from which the war itself sprang. . We need but use our eyes in order to see that in the world around us the radical causes of man’s enmity to man, the lusts that render man as a wolf towards his brother men, are raging stronger than ever. Profiteering was never so shameless and corrupt as during the war. Nay, it was officially protected and promoted by the very members of the Governments. The soldiers who fought were exploited, patriotism was made a catch-cry by men who would sell their country ten times over for gold, by men who actually did sell their country and who in some instances were actually rewarded for their crimes by being promoted to a seat in the Government. In the cities, and even at the Front, on the threshold of death, lust reigned and played havoc —spiritually and temporallywith the soldiers. Chicanery and jobbery and dishonesty on the part of the capitalists aroused deep and not unreasonable hatred among the workers, who saw through the false promises and the lying speeches of the profiteers and made up their minds long ago that as far as their interests were concerned the posing of politicians and their eloquent war-pledges were sheer moonshine. Thus it is that at the end of the war we are, not at all unlikely, on the threshold of another war between class and class, between the deluded and- betrayed workers and the faithless jabbers in high places. The world is far from being at rest. The menace has already been realised in Russia, and no man can tell how far it is likely to spread. Against the extreme corruption of capitalists the extreme folly of Socialism of an international and unpatriotic type has been stirred up. Among the workers of every country are many who are set determinedly against all existing forms of Government, which with no little reason they believe hostile to human liberty and to the rights of man. Only he who thinks that a kingdom divided against itself can stand can hope for the realisation of the fair war-promises and for the renovation of conditions and the righting of wrongs of which we were told so much by official recruiting agents. There can be no domestic peace as things are. No man can convince the extreme Socialists that they will ever obtain justice under a capitalistic government ; no man will convince us that the tyranny of the Inationale is anything better than that of profiteers. But on the whole it is the profiteers who are the danger to the States. It is their heartless dishonesty that aroused Bolshevism and their exploitation of human lives that deepened the hatred of the workers. When all is said against the Bolshevists it remains true that they are but hitting back. In the welter one cannot see a single sign that the principles of Christianity are guiding either party, and here again the blame is due to the capitalists. They have undermined the faith of the people; they have deliberately exiled God from the schools of the State; they have taught the children in theory as they taught the children’s fathers by their own example that the only thing that matters is the getting of gold. And whatever evils may arise will lie at their door as surely as the reign of terror in Russia lies at the door of the tyrants who for ages ground down and oppressed a nation. What we say is true of our own little State as well as of England. We have a Government that was afraid to do its duty by the workers and seemed only intent on holding office at all costs. Our politicians are known to the community to be almost as a whole without principle opportunists. There is little doubt that some of them even stoop to stirring up sectarian strife as a means of securing the votes of bigots for the next election. The day is coming when they will reap ■ as they sowed. ~ '

The. Italian Popular Party - r jbov\ Recent foreign exchanges enable us to add some new details to what we have already written concerning the new Popular Party in Italy. The attitude in authoritative Catholic circles at first was one that might be expressed in Mr, Asquith’s words, “Wait and f see.”• Judgment was reserved as is always the way in Rome until a full knowledge enabled people to speak with assurance. In practice the attitude was to encourage the people to support the Union. A famous writer sums up the popular feeling thus: “If you want; a straight word on the matter it is this: Join the Popular Party. If you Catholics do not - join it, be sure that all those who hope to win its aid at the elections will. Join it, and make its way secure by your strength.” ,La Civiltn quotes with approbation the following passage from a Catholic contemporary : The Party has its origin and formation outside the field of militant Catholic action which it neither representsnor expounds. But there will be no antithesis if the moral and social sides of its programme derive force and inspiration from the Catholic nature of the programme which aims at conserving in the Italian people for social good and the general welfare that treasure of Faith which the Gospels and the Church gave to our country. There is nothing mutable or changeable in the ideal of the duties of Catholics who obey the Holy See. The mind of the Pope is clear from the reply made by his Holiness lately to Count Dalle Torre, President of the Union; We Catholics act within the limits of organisations approved by the Holy See, and in strict obedience to the same. The new Party will act freely, in the political sphere especially where, many excellent Catholics are now deputies.” The occasion of the reply to Count Dalle Torre to which reference is here made was when, on March 3, the Union representatives were received in audience and the Count read an address to the Pope, expressive of the highest sentiments of filial devotion and obedience, emphasis- ’ ing particularly how happy they were to be able to co-operate with the Holy Father in the work of social regeneration so dear to his heart. We give the text of the Pope’s reply as published in the I Huh Catholic); and readers will gather from his words how he welcomes the promise of the new Party: His Holiness replied that his was the joy of the husbandman who sees his seed fallen on good ground. Scarcely had the echo of the Christmas Eve allocution died down when the President of the Popular Union was before the Pontifical throne to offer the Holy See - the services of thousands of zealous Catholic social workers united in a common faith and apostleship and pledged to a programme extending beyond any mere - material or political interests. The promptness showed the goodness of the ground. The Convention following so soon on the promise showed the sincerity of the . resolution taken to direct the energies of Catholics to the attainment of their religious and social programme. It was an assurance that the seed had not fallen by the wayside to be trodden under foot or devoured by the birds of the air. The Convention also offered an assurance that the seed of the promise would not be allowed to wither for want of moisture, for the exchange of ideas and mutual encouragement produced by the Convention must have given the young plant firm, root in the hearts of the associates. Finally, the Convention must have brought into evidence the difficulties which the Popular Union will have to conquer in order to render its resolution .to face a new work efficacious. Care has thus been taken to remove the thorns that might choke the tender plant. • “In praising the work of the Convention and the points, of Catholic action indicated by the illustrious President,” said his Holiness, “We would wish to bring into relief the particular importance which the problems relative to the school assume in Our eyes, and also those regarding the uplifting of the working classes. “The child represents the future of society. The society of the future, 'as being that which shall be formed of the children of to-day, will be in point of

goodness whatever the education granted to the children to-day represents. It is of supreme importance, therefore,' to instil religious sentiments and principles of sound - morality into the hearts of the children and youth, ofnour day. For this' generosity is necessary on the part of the rich, patience on the part of teachers, solicitude on the part of all, that an education complete from the point of-view of religion be afforded to the youth.- ' - "" “The working classes also merit the particular attention of those who would be promoters of good, both for themselves and on account of the snares laid for them by false friends. In recent times the Church has been the best friend of the workman, and to-day We take this opportunity of observing that the Encyclical Her inn Jo varum of Pope Leo XIII. retains its pristine vigor, for it still expresses the maternal goodwill and provident care of the Church for the working classes. In exhorting you to give them your special attention, We cannot now descend to details touching professional unions and Christian syndicates and such like. Let it be enough for you to know that the Pope has the matter at heart. “The blessing of God can certainly hasten the fruit of your resolution ; We, therefore, invoke it in abundance on the promoters of Catholic action whom, with paternal benevolence, We salute once more as Our co-operators. We 1 invoke it on every one who shares in the work of the Popular Union.” America and Ireland Goldwin Smith declared that nothing stands in the way of a reconciliation between the two branches of the Anglo-Saxon race (Ac) except the influence of the Irish. We have seen how this influence was made felt time and again, and how it defeated the aspirations and plans of English politicians. Ireland struck back across the seas at her hereditary tyrant and dealt her many a blow in return for the persecutions endured at home. - “If America has a ghost,” says Shane Leslie, “it is Ireland. But if Ireland haunts America, it is with a haunting based on love and not on hate. Like the Janus of the Atlantic, Ireland is two-faced. Towards England she ever looks with anguish and bitterness, towards the United States with tearful hope and wistful affection. For in the nineteenth century America was to Ireland what France was in the eighteenth, la (/ramie nation! The strongest and choicest went into their service—military in the case of France, industrial in that of America. The industrial connection found apotheosis in the names of Ford and McCormick.” The United States, from the day when the American people cast off the tyrannical yoke of England, have ever looked sympathetically and lovingly towards Ireland, ever hoping for the dawn of the clay when they might welcome into the community of free nations that oppressed country which stood by them so magnificently in their hour of trial. The bonds of union first forged in the ragged ranks of Washington’s army of freedom have been strengthened down through the years, and when Irishmen were driven, by the tyranny they helped America to conquer, from their own land it was naturally towards America they set their faces. Thither, with hate for England in their hearts, they have poured in endless streams through all the black, bad years of English misrule. They have given to America her finest soldiers, her greatest oratox's, her bishops, her judges, her merchants, and they know that America does not forget and that the debt will one day be repaid in full. Deep in Irish hearts the conviction lies that American help and sympathy will be theirs in their struggle to overcome English selfishxxess and perfidy and to uplift Ireland to her rightful position among the free peoples. America won her freedom largely through the help of Irishmen, and America’s victory is to this day an inspiration to the still oppressed country, leading her to hope on until the time comes when she too shall .win her liberty. Catholic and Protestant Ireland in far-off days hailed American freedom with ' delight, and let us trust that Axxxerica will yet hail a free Ireland in which Catholic and Pro-

testant will stand £ together inspired 3 !; by common love for their own land. America does not forget the part played by Irishmen in the Revolution, Jack Barry, of Wexford, was the father of the American Navy, and he it was who first sailed to sea under the new flag of the free country. A Sullivan fired the first shot and took Fort William and Mary. Washington’s aides included a Fitzgerald and a MoylanV. Nine men ; of Irish blood signed the Declaration of Independence. The White House was erected on the land of a Carroll, and it was modelled on the Leinster House of Dublin. In the dread years of famine, while English soldiers were carting away the corn that might feed the dying people, and the London Times was praying that the day might come when an Irishman would be as rare on the banks of the Shannon as a Bed Indian on the shores of Manhattan, the Irish exodus went on, pouring into America, in unnumbered thousands, the men and women who were to play so great a part in building up and modelling the new Ireland beyond the seas. As Shane Leslie says, although many were lost sight of, “numbers and morality told.” Frank Hugh O’Donnell wrote that “from Presidents of the Republic to presidents of trusts, and from the pioneer founders of eastern cities to the mighty athletes of Olympian com-, petitions, where will you not find Irish-Americans ?” How the Irish Made their Influence Felt.— The Irish in Washington’s armies broke the power of England. The Irish exiles in later years built up the power of America. And they never lost an opportunity of wielding that power against England. The Civil War helped to- make the Americans appreciate what Ireland did for them;' When Archbishop Hughes hoisted “Old Glory” to the top of the spire of Cincinnati Cathedral, President Hayes said of the incident:—• “The spire was beautiful, but the Catholic Prelate made it radiant with hope and glory for our country.” Meagher’s men covered themselves with deathless honor on the slopes of Fredericksburg. The Irish 69th threw back Pickett’s charge at Gettysburg. The Fenian movement was cradled round the camp-fires of the Union. Every movement for Irish freedom was supported by thousands .of friends in the States who remembered and will always remember what Ireland did for them in their own need. During the eighties there were not less than 42 Irishmen in the House of Representatives, while fully one-half claimed, to have Irish blood in their veins. It became almost necessary in time for an American President to have Irish blood.' All the Cardinals and most of the Prelates were Irish by birth or by descent. In religion, in politics, in commerce the Irish are a force to be reckoned with in America to-day. They are making their force felt, and they will want to know the reason why if President Wilson dares return to the United States without keeping faith with them and raising his voice in behalf of the small nation that is dear to them all. If a settlement is not arrived at there will be scant welcome for the President, and his shrift will be short. The Irish hatred for British tyranny has not died out: it is more intense to-day than ever it was. The butcheries of Maxwell in Dublin, the murders at Batchelor’s Walk, (he persecution of Mrs. Sheehy-Skeflxxxgtoix have kindled the wrath of the millions in America who love Ireland and hate oppression, and never was there such universal feeling that the time has come when England must relax that tyrant’s grasp in which, in the words of Queen Victoria, Ireland quivers. The blood of the Irish-American soldiers who have , died in the war has sealed the President’s pledges that justice must be done to all peoples, no matter whose selfish interests are crossed. And now, even if he proves false to his own words, the millions who have in no uncertain way made their will clear to him will not desert Ireland. Ireland may be left alone. The champions of small ’nations 6 may be too engrossed in gathering up their gains to heed her cause. But Sinn Fein will never, never submit to English misrule, and if politicians prove false and if pledges are broken, the Irish people will fight' their own cause to the end, backed by the ’ Irish in the United States, who will insist that British Hun- 1

'rashness bo destroyed as .was Prussian. If all others desert Ireland, if all the blatant spouters who told us that we were fighting for right and justice make common cause for the purpose of upholding the persecutors of a Catholic people, America will not fail. America will remember her debt to Ireland; America will repay when the day comes. The intervention of Mr. Wilson or the recognition on the part of England of the justice of Irish claims may yet end the struggle without bloodshed. Failing the one and the other, there is little room to doubt that the nations that fought to make the world safe for Democracy will witness the spectacle of a brutal power once more trying to trample down a free people, even as the hordes of Germany trampled on Belgium. And even if that comes lo pass, Ireland will win in the end as she has always won after England did her worst. And England will lose as she has always lost after she bludgeoned a weak nation—she will lose Ireland, and as well will lose the remnants of respect that the nations have for her.