OUR ROMAN LETTER

New Zealand Tablet, 22 May 1919, Page 34

OUR ROMAN LETTER

b'fc'YA ft/ft lO'.Sni'B'): t <B^,^ScoTTua.?o

, : The Sinn Fein victory ~at ; the recent elections in Ireland evoked what Italians would call a striking repercussion 5 , in this country. Hitherto, •as readers of these pages will doubtless remember, not only had we to effects of the ring, of silence that was, drawn rq^nd ell things Irish since , the , outbreak , of- the war, blit .worse, still the news items and observations that were to appear ,now and then were, any thing at all bat favorable or complimentary. All this, underwent a { surprising ; change and .since the beginning of the present year the press of this rcity, and indeed of all Italy, has devoted .praiseworthy attention to the Irish problem, particularly in its bearing on international settlements. On the whole the attitude was friendly; and this was true not only of newspapers that were always more or less sympathetic, but also of such widely different sheets as the Messay and Carrierc cVltalia, both ; of which, for one reason or another, have been uniformly -hostile in the past. The outcome of this hew interest was this that hardly a day passed without sbme newspaper reference to happenings in Ireland and to --their bearing on public opinion in other lands, particularly in America. Nor did this interest stop short at' mere items of news: several of the best-known papers printed long . articles discussing the whole situation in its historical setting and in its actual effects and possibilities. One of the best articles of the kind, for instance, appeared in the hitherto hostile PopbJb d’ltalia, which and in a sympathetic vein discussed the question of Ireland’s capacity for running her own house. It is worth mentioning that the facts cited in favor of this capacity were taken from a leaflet on the subject widely circulated during the elections in Ireland. It is obvious, however that this friendly frame of mind could not be allowed to continue unchecked. True

indeed, the censorship of the press had, been taken away on , the gelation • of , hostilities ; but with one apparently harmless reservation, namely, that affecting news likely to disturb .-international relations. Remote as this exceptipnj appeared, some of us were inclined from the beginning--to . suspect the cloven foot and to fear that it . was probably calculated to cover ground in which we were interested. It was not long till we had reason to know that our suspicions were not unfounded. A little more than a month of publicity had passed when our English cousins here began to take the offensive. Eventually matters came to a head when one of the most important newspapers of this city, discussing a map of national aspirations published by the Morning Post, pointed out' that while that militant organ of English society find a sympathetic corner for every people from the Irish Sea to the Pacific Ocean, it had not room • for as much as the outlines of the Irish coast. That -same evening the editor was informed by persons claiming to speak in the name of the British Embassy that while 'the British Government had no objection to the discussion of England international policy it did 5 not wish to see the domestic concerns of the United Kingdom- thrown on the screen. .That the admonition was effectual 'was at once apparent. Though practically all the newspaper editors in this city are in sympathy with the Irish claim at the present moment, hardly one of them ,ventures just now to publish any comment or anv expository .. article dealing with the subject. The most they dare under present conditions is to print such news items ; as are wired out from London and Paris by * the press agencies, which, however, may. be relied or*, not to "trouble the public with an overdose of words in pur favor. , Recently we have, had samples enough of what this means. 'For instance, the declaration attributed to Mr. Wilson- stating.. that the Irish question was a matter of domestic policy and did not come within

the scope of i the Peace Congress was at once wired ’out here and duly published, whereas ■' there ’ was not ' a word sent v about his * repudiation of that declaration, 1 about the ’ recent vote of the American Congress in' favor of Irish self-determination; ;• or : about the t nature of *■ the interview between - the President-and the delegation that waited on him in connection! with < the Philadelphia meeting. - ; : *

Despite all these petty obstacles, which form so striking a commentary on the much - vaunted English fair play, the truth has. been making considerable headway, particularly in educated and influential' quarters, so much so indeed that one is often surprised how it has come to pass that knowledge has been acquired where the means of information have been so artfully restricted. The Roman clergy in general know a good deal of the actual facts of the case and do not hesitate to express their sympathy ; and the same is true of; those occupying the higher. ecclesiastical positions;! Naturally there are exceptions. No one, for instance, expects the Allied Cardinals resident in this city to be favorably disposed the pro-English tendencies of Cardinals de Lai and Pompili are pretty generally well known ; while in a city where the cross-currents are so numerous and varied it is only to be expected that several individuals would be won over by the resounding arguments of astute Albion. ,

It is not a little curious that the one newspaper which is most careful in printing all sorts of things against us, and just as careful in excluding anything that could tell in our favor, is the Osservatore Romano, which is sometimes called the official organ of the Holy See. It can be called so, however, only in a very limited sense—first because it is subsidised by the Holy See ; and secondly because it is the recognised medium through which official announcements are sometimes issued. But outside such announcements, it has no official authority whatever; and its editorial attitude is its own and no one else’s. With regard to the point in question just now, readers may take for granted without any hesitation that the Osservatore does not reflect the mind of the Holy See, or indeed of any authority in this city. Those who want to form some sort of idea as to what is likely to be the attiude prevalent in high quarters will find the best index in the well-chosen words used by Mgr. Cerretti in his address at the jubilee of Cardinal Gibbons, when, speaking of Ireland, he told his hearers of “the many fond hopes and desires” We , cherish for that country. Careful observers note that in using the pronoun We the Monsignor was not speaking merely in his own name and they also are inclined to attribute to his influence, the thorough conversion of the Cardinal" of Baltimore from his previous attitude of aloofness or indifference , into one of friendly and energetic sympathy. It would be easy to labor this point at greater length; but the intelligent reader will have little difficulty in drawing obvious conclusions.

Meanwhile it may not be uninteresting to review the objections that have obtained anything like currency here against the application of self-determination to Ireland.

First there comes the usual chestnut that it would be injurious to the Catholic Church. This line of argument, which is intended to affect ecclesiastical circles, but which meets with but limited success, is propounded by a certain number of English Catholics and by a little group of Irishmen here who lose no opportunity of painting the present Irish .leaders as unchristian knaves and their followers’ as thoughtless -dupes. Side by side with this runs the venerable bogey of the danger of exposing the Protestant minority to the risk of persecution at the hands of the Catholic majority of their fellow-countrymen, who naturally are represented as the essence of bigotry while the others are painted as enlightened, successful, prosperous business men who have made their province into a paradise

by .their f industry? and intelligence fa True, i indeed, many! recognise c that 'the '< majority {have ■ not c a fair share of the S plums r and'.; that the minority have a privileged position; but against this it "is contended that be- the origin of the privilege as it may they have won it ami held it for a couple of centuries and should- not be asked to resign the fruits of their victory to a pack of idle peasants. '&i Again, 1 it is urged -that though much was said in the course of the war about the rights of small nations and the like, the fact remains that Ireland stood aloof from : the war, her sons i shirking their plain duty or even sympathising with if not actually, supporting Germany, and consequently have no claim to consideration in |the settlement of the world. To a certain extent this view is sometimes expressed by warm partisans of President Wilson, who moreover try to explain away his apparent indifference or hostility by adding that Ireland is after all a very small place and a very unimportant place, and should not be allowed to embarrass him while engaged in solving mightier problems. It is also urged that the English connection is of such ancient date and has been so useful to Ireland that it would be against the best interests of the latter country to bring about any marked change in existing position; and besides, it is added, how could Ireland hope to protect her own shores against invasion and other possible dangers without the protecting wings of the English fleet. . But the argument that really weighs with men of education and influence is that based on the danger a free Ireland would be to England and English interests, affording a future base for the invasion of thatcountry, and always ready to prove a standing menace to the future peace of the world. They admit, of course, that Belgium and Holland are in equally close proximity to England ; but they point out that these two countries have little influence outside their own borders and have little or no wrongs to revenge, whereas Ireland has powerful ramifications in various parts of the world, cherishes keen memories of the past, and would always be ready to welcome any and every chance of settling old scores the moment an opportunity arises. It is worth noting that the feature in Anglo-Irish relations of the present day that has most impressed Italians is the imprisonment of Irishmen without trial and the treatment meted out to men who are merely political prisoners; and as a possible item in future policy it is no harm to bear in mind that Italian parliamentarians are very much alive to the contrast between England's interest in the Slav nations and her attitude towards Irish aspirations. It is quite within the bounds of possibility that Italian statesmen'may seize on the contrast and urge it home at a convenientmoment. = 3