THE IRISH REBELLION OF 1916

New Zealand Tablet, 16 August 1917, Page 34

THE IRISH REBELLION OF 1916

In The Irish Rebellion of 1910 and its Martyrs: Erin's Tragic Easter (The Devin-Adair Company, New York) Padraio Colum, Maurice Joy, James Reidy, Sidney Gifford, Rev. T. Gavin Duffy, Mary Colum, Mary Ryan, and Seumas O'Brien, have given us a work which will be a great help to those who are honestly seeking for light on the events which so many people miscall the Sinn Fein Rising. In the earlier chapters of the book Maurice Joy and Padraic Colum give a clear account of Irish politics and of the Irish struggle for freedom up to the date of the Rising, dealing specially with the question of the consistent and imperishable demand of the people for self-government underlying the aims of parties differing widely in their methods, and with the history of Catholic Emancipation and Agrarian Reform during the nineteenth century. These chapters set forth plainly the reasons on which Ireland bases her demands for freedom, supporting the thesis with arguments that no reasonable man can disregard. The Irish revival, the movement for the reconstruction of Irish life, for "nation-building," which began on the day when Douglas Hyde delivered his historic address on 'The necessity for Anglicising Ireland" is treated by a man who has the qualification —not too usual nowadays—that he knows exactly what he is talking about. Readers are told how. Hyde and the pioneers at last convinced the thinking people that everything vital and distinctive in Ireland's intellectual and. spiritual life was being destroyed by contact with the materialism of England which was pouring poison into the country through numerous avenues, and how there arose an earnest desire to become henceforth wholly Irish in speech, in ideals, and in civilisation. From this dated the revival of the language in the schools, the determination to wear Irish clothes —the best that are made in the world to-day, whether they be Donegal carpets or Blarney tweeds, —and the preservation of old games, of old dances, and of old customs. George Russell ("J£") and W. B. Yeats were inspired by the movement and added glory to its literary side. The United Irishman, edited by Arthur Griffith, and The Leader, edited bv David Moran. di<-' yeoman service to the revival, fostering independence and discrediting for ever the low standards of English thought and English ideals so long accepted by Irishmen. And at last, with the publication of a tract called "The Resurrection of Hungary" Mr. Griffith furnished the programme which was the inspiration of the Sinn Fein Movement. The Hungarian Movement. By the passive resistance advised by Francis Deak the Hungarians had forced the Austrians to recognise their national rights. They refused to merge themselves with Austria and set about developing their own local authority. Ireland was like Hungary. She had a constitution which was taken from her by diabolical fraud as that of Hungary was taken by force. It was wrong, Griffith maintained, to demand anything less than the restitution of that which English statesmen acknowledged was taken away by the foulest corruption and chicanery that ever darkened the pages of the history of any country. Ireland was once guaranteed the right of government by the King. Lords, and Commons of Ireland. That she must get back. This should be done by imitating Hungary. Ireland should govern herself by a general delegation from her local councils. Nationalists should resort to Arbitration Courts and disregard the Law Courts set up by England. Agriculture and co-operation should be developed so that Ireland might become independent economically. "Ireland for the Irish" was to be the watchword. The people were to accomplish this by themselves and for themselves. Hence the famous phrase Sinn Fein. Home Rule. . Then a Liberal Government came into power and began to talk of destroying the veto of the House of Lords which twice before had prevented Home Rule

from being passed. The Nationalists .prepared to fight for; the 0 Bill; \ the - Orangemen to destroy it. The two divisions of the minority— Episcopalian Protestants who had long unjustly held all the offices and privileges in Ireland, and the Orangemen of Ulster, —made friends now and forgot their old hatred of each other. The Tory Party took them up and determined to espouse their cause in order to wreck the Liberals. Sir Edward • Carson openly advocated . rebellion against the Crown. Volunteers were armed and drilled. Balfour, F. E. Smith, and Bonar Law joined the rebels and promised them immunity. If men armed to. destroy a constitutional movement men surely were justified in arming to protect it. Eoin Mac Neill now urged the formation of a body of Volunteers to safeguard the constitution that represented the will.of the English Government. Mac Neill, Sean Mac Dermot, Eamonn Ceannt, and nine others met in a Dublin hotel and agreed that the body should not be confined to or controlled by any party, and that they should strive to secure the co-operation of existing organisations such as the Parliamentary Party, the United Irish League, the Hibernians, the Gaelic Athletic Association, the Foresters, etc. Now the Government that had allowed the Ulster-hen tit drill moved. An embargo was enacted. Henceforth the Volunteers had to drill secretly. In the mean time another body had been preparing. The Irish Citizen Army had been formed. It was organised by James Connolly and by James Larkin for the protection of tho workers. What Caused the Rebellion. Carson's men were allowed to drill and arm. They were assured of protection by men who now rule England. Later on a group of English officers on the Curragh proclaimed that they would disobey orders if asked to proceed against a body of men who were organised to wreck his Majesty's Government. And not one of them was shot. In June, 1914, the soldiers who were ready to mutiny rather than attack Carson's rebels shot down innocent women and men on the streets of Dublin. Ireland was now roused to fury. It was clear that there was no justice or fair play for the Nationalists. In fact there was no Government for Ireland. There was only militarism. When the war broke out. Mr. Redmond offered to hand over the Volunteers to the Government as a defence for Ireland. His request was turned down. The exploits of Irish soldiers at the front were systematically kept from the public. It seemed that everything that could be done was tried in order to drive the people into rebellion. Journals were suppressed if they spoke of the tyranny. Men and women were thrown into gaol without a trial. A gentleman was imprisoned for using the Gaelic tongue in speaking to a policeman—"an astonishing piece of bigotry," said Colonel Moore in his evidence, "well calculated to raise the anger and indignation of the people." Sheehy-Skeffington wrote a letter to the New Statesman protesting that the officers in the Dublin streets were saying that they would rather have a shot at the Sinn Feiners than at the Germans, pointing out that the situation was becoming intolerable, and that it looked as if they wanted to drive the people into revolt. The Rebellion. What then happened is told in the following chapters. But as I have already reviewed two books dealing with the subject I leave the task of studying the narrative as given here to our readers who may be tempted to procure this valuable work for themselves. It is the fullest history of the Rebellion vet published. The report of the Royal Commission which acted so strangely when it came to the hearing of evidence is given. The last chapters deal with the leaders who have gone to join the immortal band of those who in so many ages gave their lives for Ireland. If we might venture to select any where all are good we commend the sketches on Casement and Clarke. But they all were heroes. They all thought that life was a little thing to give for Ireland. And never in any country under the sun did a braver and a nobler little band of heroes lay down their lives for the cause of liberty. J.K. .