Current Topics

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XXXII, Issue 45, 10 November 1904, Page 1

Current Topics

A Chamberlain-Nationalist Alliance for Home Rule

Strange as it may at first sight appear it is quite 011 the caicls— or at least it is well within the "bounds ot possibility — that ovciturcs may be made in the not Aery distant future by the leaders of the Chamberlain paity for a compact with the Nationalists in return for \\huh Mr. Chamberlain will gi\e a definite foinial pledge to carry Home Rule. It is well Known that Mr. Chainoerlain is in a veiy tight place with his tanfi proposal-., that his hope of carrying the country with him in the matter has proved a complete disappointment, and that, unless he can get soiu-e definite solid support from some direction by the next election, both he and his party are bound to go under. Under the circumstances, and remembering that Mr. Chamberlain, to put it mildly, nas ne\er been a paiticular stickler for consistency, there is nothing intrinsically improbable 111 the idea that at such a crisis he might turn to the Irish Party, and high authorities, both in England and America, are taking the view that with his gift lor political strategy that is precisely what he is likely to do. The London ' Spectator,' for example, a Unionist journal, but tar and away the ablest, sanest, and most level headed of English papers, regards such an alliance as not only possible, but distinctly probable, and discusses the prospect with the utmost gravity and seriousness. 'We are by no means certain,' it says, ' that Mr Chamberlain and the Protectionists might not, in certain eventualities, be prepared to buy Nationalist support for Protection by a promise of Home Rule, either under some alias such as " Devolution," or " Provincial Councils," or even in plain terms. And here, unfortunately, the danger to the Union would be a real one, for Mr. Chamberlain and the Protectionists might be able " to deliver the goods "—might, that is, be able to persuade the House of Lords to pass some form of Home Kule instead of demanding a reference to the people at a General Election. .Such an alliance between the Protectionists and the NationaJists— who, remember, are personally Protectionists to a man— is indeed a peril to the Union, and one against which it behoves all true Unionists to be on their guard.' * An American writer, Mr. Sydney Brooks, in a thoughtful article appearing in ' Harper's Weekly ' expresses precisely the same view, but with greater emphasis and detail. After pointing out that the Irish themselves are now far more inclined for ' a deal ' with

Mr. Chamberlain and his followers than with, the Liberals, Mr. Brooks asks :— 'Is Mi Chamberlain, who controls far more members in the I' moms t party than Mr. Balfour, prepared to baigain with them? 1 can hardly doubt that when the tune c nines he will be iound not merely ready but anxious It is a characteristic of the man that whatever he is- engaged upon for the irnornent always seems of infinitely more importance than anything else. The immediate obiect engrosses him, and he allow? no scruples and no tame objection to inconsistency to stand in the way ol its attainments. The fiscal issue 'enlists his whole heart and soui , it is a cause which he honestly legards as worth almost any sacrifice, and if it cannot be carried without an alliance with the Nationalists, then it must be carried with one. Mr. Cha'rnherlain does not Jove the Nationalists ; the Nationalists do not love Mr Chamberlain ; but if each can be useful to the other, the essential basis for negotiation is- provided. If Mr. Chamber lain sees' that he cannot win without the Nationalists and can win with them, one may be sure lie will do what he can to come to terms. If the Nationalists see that by bargaining with Mr Chamberlain they can advance the cause of Home Rule, it is almost superfluous to say the chance will not be neglected.'

Even the argument — which has been freely urged against the possibility of such ail alliaßC&J— that Mr. Chamberlain, even if he were prepared 'to ; support some form of Home Kule in the interests of Tariff Reform, could not carry his party with him, brings 1 no comfort to the ' Spectator ' and its friends : 'We greatly w\sh we could think so,' it writes, '* p,ut the obsession of the Protectionists by their newly-adopted creed is so violent and so extravagant that they seem prepared to .sacrifice anything and everything" to their desire to tax whatever is eaten or used by, the people in the interests of the people.' And in corrohoration of this view it quotes a significant article published some tune ago in the ' Daily Telegraph,' Mr. Chamberlain's leading "press 1 organ, in which the following, -passage occurred :— ' There is an unsuspectedly large number of 1 ones whose sympathy with Home Rule was scotched, but not absolutely killed, by the methods adopted by the various National Leagues 1o obtain it. If Ireland continues as tree from lawlessness and oiftragermorigering in ihe future as she is at present, these ,:,spot'clied Tory Home Kulcrs may again raise their hfcadg. / Strong as our sympathy wilh ihe Unionist cause,* aS' i 9ttelVis, there is no good living in a fool's paradise.' That,, the ' Spectator ' contends, in spite df its SSjrocodile. {tears,' was simply a pilot balloon and was written with the deliberate purpose of preparing the public mind for the attitude now suggested as likely to be adopted by the Chamberlain party^

Briefly summarised, the considerations that lend some slight air of probability to the idea that somesort of understanding may be arrived at, may be thus stated: (1) Mr. Chamberlain's well-known disregaid for consistency and his readiness to adopt any tactics that will serve to help him out of a difficulty ; (2) that even ni his early opposition to Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bill Mr. Chambeilam made so many qualifications and reservations as to leave him plenty of loop-holes through winch, if ilOi 10 wished, he could climb baok to Home Rule , ("*) that generally speaking the Irish members ate personally m sympathy with the principle of Protection on whicn Mr. Chamberlain's proposals are based , and (1) that, as Mr. Redmond recently expressed rt, the Irish members aie in no way troubled as to which of the English Parties grants Home Rule to Ireland so long as Ireland gets it. In the meantime the earnest discussions and articles on the subject all go to show that when Mr. Redmond said recently that the Home Rule question was again coining well within the ic-gion of practical politics he had a pretty shrewd idea of what he was talking about.

God Save the KingThe King continues to win golden opinions from all sorts and conditions of men and to completely belie the misgivings with which a section of his subjects regarded his accession to the throne. His rare tact and unfanmg kindliness and amiability Ime beaten down aU prejudice, and alike at home and abroad he is to-day regarded not only with respect but with alfection and esteem. Specially noteworthy are the efforts he has maue in the direction of promoting and preserving peace. During his brief reign he has succeeded in brinumg to an honorable close the exhausting struggle with the Boers, has made a treaty of arbitration with Franco, has conciliated and gained the friendship of neatly all the great* toreign rulers, and has helped the nation to ge\t out of the grave crisis through which they nave just passed without a resort to the crash and clash of war. That is a notable racord tor so short a time, and the titlo of ' Peace-maker '—the grandest title that can ever be bestowed on any earthly monarch— with which King Edward is being haiied, has already been fully and fairly earned.

In matters of religion the King has shown, and continues to show, a spirit of broad and enlightened tolerance. His triendly relations with leading Catholic prelates began while he a\ as yet Piince of Wales and his attitude of cordial good-will towards the Church lias been maintained e\er since , while his feeling of genuine respect for all religious bodies that are trying to do good according to tiheir light was happily illustrated the other day by Ins granting, the fa\ or of ape sonal audience to the official head of the Salvation Army. (. alhohes will not soon forget the delicate tact and considerateness shown on the occasion of the Coronation, when his Majesty hurried o\er that portion of the oath containing woids that aie insulting and offensive to Catholics and read the passage in a tone that was absolutely inaudible even to those standing immediately near him. His Majesty is neither ashamed non afraid to show Ins respect for the iailh of the great historic Church of Christendom. He has frequently attended at Nuptial Masses and Requiem Masses, and late exchanges just to hand bring the news that on a recent occasion he was present at ordinary High Mass at Marienoad in Austria, when he followed the service thioughout with a Catholic prayer-book. It is significant of the changed state of public ieelmg that this statement hap been printed in all the London papers without eliciting anything at all in the way of protest or comment. For every influence that makes for peace, justice, tolerance, and the stamping out of bigotry, we have reason to be sincerely thankful, and Catholics, therefore, can join heartily with their Protestant fellow-subjects throughout

the. Empire m praying in all earnestness : ' God Save the Kinp ! '

The Printers and the Church A tew months ago a ulnohc article against American trades-unionism, entitled "I he Sti angle-hold of Labor,' appeared m the Dunedm ' Evenmg Star ' reprinted from an American maga'inc. In the course of this uolenl clutubc an attempt was wde to prejudice unionism in the eyes of the public by alleging that a certain expression in the oath or obligation taken by the members of the International Typographical Union placed loyalty to the union before loyalty to country and to religion. As the article i n question put it • ' The oath of fidelity given by the typographical union recently created a sensation by placing the union above God and country. It was preached against as sacnlegious in many pulpits.' The writer of the article carefully xe~ framed from publishing the oath, which is in these terms . 'I do hereby solemnly and sincerely swear or affirm that my fidelity to the Typographical Union and my duty to the members thereof shall in no sense be interfered with by any allegiance that I may now ' cr hen-alter owe to any othei oigajubatiun— social, political or religious.' ' ' * It may perhaps be admitted that by adopting a strict and rigid method of interpretation' the words can be made capable of an unpleasant construction, though the officials of the Union have all along protested that such an interpretation is utterly foieign to the spirit m which it is understood, and was intended to be understood, by the members themselves. As the ' Inland Printer '—one of the highest authorities in the world on matters relating to the trade— explained : 'In the organisation the objectionable sentence is held to mean that members will not allow social, religious, or political organisations to control them in trade matters— on questuns which are particularly within the union's limited spheic of action. As understood and applied the obligation docs nt>t interfere with any member's) duty to hi 3 Church. Nor is it likely to unless the Church desires to say how type shall be measured or meddle in some other detail of the printing business.' And the paper goes on to show from the history of the Union that Catholic members a- e not only numerically strong but have always been the most earnest advocates of that particular form of obligation. * Ail ambKuitv. howe\or, and all possibility of misunderstanding has now been removed by the judicious action of the Union itself. We learn fiom the' Sacred Heart Review ' mst to hand that at the convention of the International Typographical Union held at St. Louis a short tune ago, the following proposition was introduced, referred to the committee on resolutions, and agreed to • ' Ke^ohed, That it is the sense of the International Typographical Union that the part of the constitutional obligation for members which declares " that my fidelity to the L'nion and my duty to the members theieof shall in no sense be interfered with by any allegiance that I may now or hereaiter owe to any other organisation, 'social, political, or religious, secret or otherwise," is not intended to and does not conflict with or restrict any member's allegiance to the Church of his choice ' That settles the matter once and for all, and is only what might be expected from a union which more perhaps than any other single labor union represents the croam of the industrial intelligence in a community.

The Psssiner of ' Guy Fawkes ' The old-time sth of November celebrations have so completely died out— the whole ' fiuy FawKes ' business is now ?o utterly exanimate and lifeless that a Catholic journalist has scarcely any excuse for referring to the matter, much less for going with any detail # into an

accurate historical account of the famous ' plot.' The day lias come and gone, practically without any serious notice in any direction Jt is true thurc was a ' demonstration 'in Dunedin— or rather, in that centre of sweetness and light, South Dunecim— but anyone reading between the lines of the report can easily discern rhat poor old ' Guy Fawkes ' was oniy Ir ought in as a convenient excuse for getting up a ' bun-iush ' and a dance An eilort was made indeed to ' iiiij<io\e the ixtcthiuii ' but even the press reporters, who usually try to Dut matters m the best possible light, were candid enough to indicate that the attempt was a painful ' frost ' The piece de resistance of the intellectual part of the entertainment was a twelve verse composition, called ' The Gunpowder Plot,' with a chorus composed by Mr R X Adamo. This was distributed amongst the audience with the programmes, and Mr. Adams sang one verse and the chorus, and then invited the audience to join with him in the musical rendering of the composition. Mr. Adams's twedve-barrelled ' pome,' however, was too much even for a South Dunedin Orange audience. They tackled it gamely, and wrestled with it bravely for a time, but, long before they reached the concluding verse it had got them all down. As the ' Sta-i ' lepoit delicately puts it : ' Mr. Adams was not the best of leaders. The air was not a catchy one, and the audience had evidently assembled to listen to songs, not to learn a new one, and so the singing les>son soon came to an end, and a programme of varied musical items was gone through,' etc. We feel sure that Mr. Adams, who has never believed m hiding his light under a bushel, will in due time publish the Guy Fawkes epic, and we confess we await the event with no little interest. In the meantime, from its reception at South Dunrdm, we have a strong suspicion that the general verdict on the ] roduction and its author will he pretty much on the lines of Josh Billings' answer to a similar poetaster who was anxious for his opinion on some manuscript he had forwarded. ' Dere sir,' wrote the genial Josh in reply, ' dere sir, yew may be a darn phule, but you're no pocck.' The Guy Fawkes laureate may be— all sorts of things ; but we have a deep and sure conviction he is no ' poeck.'