Archbishop Kelly on Irish Affairs.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XXX, Issue 14, 3 April 1902, Page 6

Archbishop Kelly on Irish Affairs.

Speaking at the St. Patrick's Day banquet in Sydney, his Grace Archbishop Kelly said he would like to renew his pledge to labor for the prosperity of Australia — directly as an ecclesiastic, and indirectly in every other lawful way. He did not, nor could not, nor Bhould he, forget Ireland. If Ireland were great and glorious and free, one might hail her with nobler and loftier brow ; but could they love her more tenderly and dearly than now ? If those who had in their hands the destinieß of Ireland would take advice from their friendß in Australia, there would be an Irish Administration in Dublin Castle and Irish members in the Cabinet at Westminster. People said they were unruly. He knew they were not. For six years he had travelled through Ireland as a missionary priest, and no one could know the people so well as the Catholic priests, because their ministerial duties, inspired by charity, brought them into the very secrets of the hearts of the people, and the people confided to them not only their temporal but their spiritual interests. There was no distinction between the Irish priesthood and the Irish people. The priests were of the people, they were for the people, and they had no existence but for the people. SIR REDVERS BULLER IN IRELAND. He would confirm this testimony by the evidence of a gallant compeer of General Finn— he alluded to Sir Redvers Buller. This General was brought to Ireland on the plea that the police were not sufficient, and he went there to rule by martial law. But he came to know the 'p e °pl e > and before long he ref Ußed to send the soldiers to carry out the decisions of magistrates who themselves were landlords. He (the Archbishop) wan not quite free from Buspicion that he might be doing an imprudent thing, but he wished to give the authority for his statement. He knew Sir Andrew Read — knew him to be an honorable man and one who had raised the Irish police force to a state of proficiency — and he might be excused for repeating what Sir Andrew had said to him in Rome — that he never took part in any eviction in which right was not on the Bide of the tenant. He had stated these things on the steps of a throne second to none in the world — on the steps of the Papal throne — and when the Home Rule Bill was thrown out and the Local Government Bill emaaoulated, the Holy Father had said that, no matter what Salisbury might say, justice should go before policy. IF IRELAND WERE FREE. Let them trust that the influence of Australia would be felt at horne — that there would be an Ireland for Irishmen, just as an Australia for Australians, and then there would be not only one Woleeley and one Roberts, but hundreds of them ; not only one Russell, but hundreds ; and instead of wasting their good qualities in working at something worse than nothing, they would conspire to render human life as happy and blessed as it could be in this vale of learß. Ireland thirsted for liberty. Let England give her copious draughts. Up to the present Ireland had been on next to no allowance. Why should she be governed by a system which recognised the subjection and humiliation of the Irish ? These things would come to an end. England had maintained blockhouses all over Ireland, and because one-tenth of Ireland was quiet, England : ' See the effect of our admirable rule.' They wnre told that 'no Irish need apply ' ; in other words, England said : 1 We need men of University training,' and then barred the doors of the Universities to Ireland, or, rather, would not allow Irishmen in except on a ticket whioh no Irishman would ever accept. Catholics must never forget their religion. They should consider that loyalty to God was the highest form of loyalty. Never would that flag go down. England compelled Ireland to go to her Parliaments. Could they, then, complain that the Irish were augry there ? He was once asked what he thought of the conduct of the Irish members. His answer was that he wishel they would respect themselves, but he thought their conduct wae good enough for thoße who provoke them to it. Justice, he proceeded, was juhtice, and if they had a press in Ireland that would show the cause of Ireland to the world — if they were not misrepresented by a press already retained on the other side— the English methods of ruling would very soon come to an end. Let them ask for a simple primary measure of justice, and English statesmen would say in priva' c tbat their claim was unanswerable, but they would say in the next breath that they would not get it. Please God, this would not last for ever, LOOKING TO THE FUTURE They might hope that they might have an Irish administration, sitting in Dublin Castle, and that they would have Irish members in the British Cabinet — and, to pat it more practically, they might have John Dillon and John Redmond, and men of that kind invited by his Majesty King Edward VII. to bring peace and prosperity to ill-governed, martyred Ireland. Let them not keep Ireland in that second-rate position as a footstool to Great Britain, and they would find that the clouds of misunderstanding would disappear, and the Bunshin9 of truth and justice would be experienced all over the realms of the United Kingdom and Ireland would willingly forget the paßt. ___^__ — _____