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THURSDAY, MARCH 20, 1902. A METEORIC STATESMAN.

The New Zealand TABLET

To promote the cause of Religion and Justice by the "cays of Truth and Peace.' Leo XIII. to the N.Z. Tablet.

$0k — * — mQ£$P INCE the delivery of his now famous speech at ssjji^v Chesterfield and his more recent utterance at .fi^|oM\ Glasgow the name of Lord Rosebery has been JJ*^SB& more or less on everybody's lips, and no other j^Qffii? figure has loomed quite so large on the horizon of Imperial politics as his. He has certainly W^y had a magnificent opportunity. He could not possibly have chosen a more fitting and favorable time for his re-entry into political life. The great Liberal party had sunk in o a state of almost hopeless collapse — disunited, distracted, dispirited, without real leader or really definite policy, looking vainly around for someone who would tell them what to do, sound one clear bugle note, and lead them once again with fresh life into the fray. When, therefore, Lord Rosebery announced his intention to deliver a speech and outline a Liberal programme and policy, the whole party kindled with fresh enthusiasm and fresh hope. Now at last they have got a leader, and after he had spoken the party would once more feel itself a party with a power, a policy, a purpose of its own. No leader ever had a belter chance given him of reviving and ieuniting a defeated army and of restoring its former glory and its old picsUge. * How did Lord Rosebeky use this great opportunity ? lie did precisely what anyone who das watched or read his political career could have safely predicted ).e would do. He spoke with the ease and elegance and charming felicity of phrase, of which he is co great a master. He suid a great many things that were clever and to the point. In his criticism of the Government he made some pretty rapierpl,iy and some telling hits. On his own side he avoided with great tact the snares and difficulties that were in his way, and spared no effort to dance his political egg-dance without breaking a single e^. He filled his address with judiciois and carefully-balanced compromises, so that, as someone after\\a r ds said, everyone got something and no one got everything that they expected. When he had to indulge — as he frequently did — in mere generalities and pleasing platitudes, he dressed them up with mch literary grace that they were easily taken for words of deepest wisdom. His hearers were, to begin with, not only sympathetic but enthusiastic, so that he had no difficulty in working up a great deal of histrionic excitement. He carried his audience so completely with him that at one stage of the meeting, we are told, a number of those on the platform jumped to their feet and wildly waved thtir hats to give further emphasis to their cheers and applause. For the time, indeed, it seemed as if the orator hud accomplished a'l the great things that were expected of him. '1 he speech was received with a tolerably general chorus of approval and almost of acclaim. That particular section of the Liberal party known as the Liberal Imperialists — better known in the House of Commons slang as the Liberal imps — were carried into the seventh heaven of delight. 'A new era has dawned,' writes one in his delirium, ' for the nation and for the party of progress. It is impossible to imagine any more splendid fate for Lord Rosebery than that he should lead us out of the Slough of Despond and bring us once more into the ways of national greatness. He has the heart and mind, the voice and the spacious imagination for the highest things. His banner shall not be furled but

in the hour of victory.' Most of the great London dailies, though of course not so extravagant, still expressed warm approval of the speech. T he Daily Telegraph thought that ' Lord Kosebery had risen to the very heiuhl of his opportunity.' 'We shall not be accused of f ivont'Mn,' wrote the Dailij Mail, 'when we state the simp'e fact that Loid Rosi--bery amply justified his leputation, and proved that, as in former times of difficulty, oar country has produced a statesman.' And even the London Tnnrs, usually unemotional enough, declared 'that Lord Ro.sk.kery had risen with rare completeness to the level of a gie;it occasion.' * But the after effect of a speech is the true test of its greatness, and the time that has elapsed since Lord liosebeiiy\s first effort has shown how delusive was the hope that he or his speeches would effect anything in the nature of a revolution or do anything whatever to rehabilitate Liberalism in England. In the first place the speech itself, though it was undoubtedly great as an oratorical effort, was, so far as its matter was concerned, a signal failure. On close analysis it was found to consist either of mere empty catchphrases — such as the watch-word of ' efficiency ' which was in no special sense a Liberal watch-word, and' would serve equally well as a battle-cry for any party under the sun — or else of very thinly-veiled Conservatism. The speech was, in fact, as a German paper cleverly put it, only Chamberlain in a special and superfine edition. Instead of reinvigorating the Liberal party Lord Rosebery betrayed it. To have followed his lead, would have been to abandon the fundamental principles and most honored traditions of Liberalism, an<l to fall back "to the very Toryism which they were organised to oppose. No wonder the great bulk of the party will have none of Lord Rosebery. Even if the speech had been a greater one than it was it would still have been a comparative failure because Lord Rosebery has not known how to follow it up after his first success. Instead of promptly calling a meeting and putting himself at the head of the party, he contented himself with issuing an authorised edition of his speech, with the following appeal :: — ■ ' My policy appears to have received a large meed of general approval. But political opinion to be effective must be organised — political energy must work and entrench. I want some of this spade-work on behalf of this policy, or else the wave of popular adhesion will be lost in space.' No true leader would speak like that. If spade-work was to be done he would know that it was his place to grasp the implement and make ihe first start. The real leader says, ' (Jome on, I will lead you ;' Lord Rosebery says, ' go on, I will follow.' But a ' leader ' who follows will never revive or rebuild any party. * AYe have not yet said anything about Lord Rosebery's change of front on the Home Rule question and his attempt to induce the Liberal party to make such a dishoaest and dishonorable breach of faith with the Irish people, and we have not space to deal with it now. We regret this the less because we do not believe it will make the slightest difference to the ultimate success of the cause what Lord Ro.sebery may think or say. Looking at his prospects quite impartially and apart altogether from our feeling at his having turned renegade on this great question, we do not believe that the future holds any great career fcr Lord Rosisukry as a statesman. He is undoubtedly a gifted man. lie has plenty of ability and of political imagination, and as a pleasing and persuasive speaker he has probably no rival in the United Kingdom. But he has one absolutely fatal defect. He has not the nerve and willpower and force of character, without which no one can ever be a successful leader. He can make very beautiful flight?, but they are alwajs short-lived. He is like a meteor, flashing with brilliance one moment, vanished from sight the next. Or to vary the metaphor, his " points " and his pace arc excellent, and he does his preliminary canter in a way that arouses the wildest enthusiasm, but he has not sufficient ' staying-power ' to ever get home in the race. * All this is not mere matter of personal opinion ; it is the inevitable inference from the admitted facts of his life. In March of 189 i Lord Rosebery was received as Premier with an almost universal chorus of acclamation throughout

the country. Everybody san^ his -praises and everybody prophesied a, great and brilliant career. AH the world, knows now how entirely Lord Rosebetiy disappointed the hopes and expectations of his friends. The halo with which his admirers had invested him grew gradually thinner and thinner, his figure in the political world crew dimmer and dimmer, and when at last in October 18'jG he resigned, people had almost ceased to remember that he was the nominal leader of a great party in the State. Tlistory repeats itself, and if Lord Rosedery should once more regain the reins of power, what happened in 1894 and 1895 will happen again. But for ourselves, we do not believe that Lord Eosebeey will ever be given again the opportunity of holding office. The ideas he has expressed may sparkle and glitter in the sun for a time, but their effect will not last. Sooner or later he will be again left to ' plough his furrow alone,' and in view of all the facts of his past career and past performances we do not really see that he deserves anything better.

This article text was automatically generated and may include errors. View the full page to see article in its original form.I whakaputaina aunoatia ēnei kuputuhi tuhinga, e kitea ai pea ētahi hapa i roto. Tirohia te whārangi katoa kia kitea te āhuatanga taketake o te tuhinga.
Permanent link to this item
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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/periodicals/NZT19020320.2.43

Bibliographic details
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New Zealand Tablet, Volume XXX, Issue 12, 20 March 1902, Page 17

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1,586

THURSDAY, MARCH 20, 1902. A METEORIC STATESMAN. The New Zealand TABLET New Zealand Tablet, Volume XXX, Issue 12, 20 March 1902, Page 17

THURSDAY, MARCH 20, 1902. A METEORIC STATESMAN. The New Zealand TABLET New Zealand Tablet, Volume XXX, Issue 12, 20 March 1902, Page 17

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