ARCHBISHOP MANNING ON IRELAND.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume I, Issue 42, 14 February 1874, Page 11

ARCHBISHOP MANNING ON IRELAND.

Wb continue from a previous issue and conclude the publication of the important letter sent by His Grace Archbishop Manning to the -Lord Primate of Ireland, after the consecration of Armagh Cathe--drill :—: — The progress^ of Ireland is on the pathway of Christianity, which has made the nations of Christendom and the glory of them. They have departed, or are departing from faith, and their glory likewise is departing from them For them I see no future. I see no future for Imperial Germany, or for revolutionaary Italy, or for Spain, if it abandon its ancient Catholic traditions ; or for France, if it continue to deify Voltaire and to glorify tho piinciples of 1789. But Ido see a future for England — if Ireland be Ireland s( ill, and if England have still a Christian heart. • Here is the trial wHoh has now reached its crisis. The trial ie this : Shall the next generation of Irishmen be formed as Catholics ? Shall the next generation of Englishmen be formed as 'Christians ? 111. I am at a loss to understand the blindness which has fallen upon a multitude of men at this day. They would "indignantly claim to be Christians. But they deal with Christian education a3 they would deal with the casting of iron and the combing of wool ; as a necessary but expensive work, in which there is no motive for enthusiasm. Not so those who desire to rid tho world of the Catholic faith, of doctrinal Christianity, and of religion in any form. They know perfectly well that the school is more fatal to their policy than the church. Our ciiurches would so stand empty if our schools were not 'full. They see what we are either blind enough not to see, or, as.they may will think, stupid enough not to understand : that the shape and mould, and form, and character of the next genera! ion is to be decided in our schools, Bring up the children without religion, and the next generation will pull down the churches. We in England were upon the brink of being terrified by agitation, and juggled by Leagues into a compromise, which is the beginning of interminable concessions. Thia danger is I hope past, because the momentary scare is over, and the "weakness of the agitation is found out. We have need, however, of a hundred eves, and of keeping them all open, to watch the dangers which beset the Catholic and Christian education of these countries. The popular education of Ireland i-s indeed sufe : not through any favour of legislatures, but through the fidelity and industry ; which will render all experiments at mixed education in Ireland useless, bee uiso the Catholic Luty in Ireland refuse them, and the Catholic Church is resolved to provide colleges and a higher education for its people. When the late proposal for university education in Ireland was first made known, I was, for a time, induced to believe, looking at it as for uiin England, that it could be accepted with satety and worked for ultimate good. But this impression, for I will not call it a judgment or even an opinion, I carefully guarded by tho consciousness that those only who are upon the spot and familiir with all local andjpersonal conditions conld form an adequate judgment. I was fully aware tlibt what could be tolerated in England might be intolerable in Ireland ; and that what would be a gain to a handful of Catholics in a vast nonCatholic population, might be a great loss, and even a wrong, to a Catholic people of which the religious unity and Catholic traditions are unbroken. When, then, the Catholic Episcopate of Ireland refused the proposal on the high Christian principle that it involved two things which the Catholic Church inflexibly refuses, the one mixed education, the other education without faith, I recognised the Ligher and njbler attitude of its refusal. I saw in it the broad assertion that a Catholic people have a right to Catholic education ; that education is Impossible without faith : that already enough had been endured by Ireland ; and that had been done by Parliament iv the establishment of primary schools in which Catholic religion could not be taught, and in the founding of colleges where education is mixed ; that both these thing are wrong, against a Catholic party ; and that it was therefore impossible to consent to a measure which would consolidate, perpetuate, and extend thij system of mixed and Godless education, in the heart of a people profoundly religious and profoundly Catholic. When I saw this, I at once recognised not o*dy the truth and the justice, but also the higher elevation of your reply. Such mixed and Godless schemej of university education have become inevitable in England by reason cf our endless religious contentions. England has lost ii r s religious unity and is p'iyini» the guevous penalty. But Irtlan I miy well reimnd the Imperial Parliament th'it it has not forftite I its religious unity, and that eueh penal legislation is neither necessary i,or tolerable. Even Scotland has made this plc.i goo 1, in bar of sclietnee of education at vananco w.ith its religious convictions. The Scotch Education Bill is essentially religious and denominational. Parliament has legislated for Scotland widely and justly; according to tho desires and the concccnco of the Seotoli people. It will assuredly t»ke its measure of a'iy education schemes for England from the ideas and choices of the English people. To their shame be it spoken, then 5 are Kngli^hmen and Scotchmen who will cliiru this for themselves and will deny it to Irishmen. We ha\c of late years fully unmasked this injustice. For a long tims your claim was not domed, because it was not di.--tinctly enunciated. Irelaud hid borne with a long course of niggard and ungenerous legislation ; pi which the least possible recognition was admitted that Ireland is a Calliolij country, and the Irish a Catholic people. But when, certain politicians began j to claim Presbyterian education for Presbyterian Scotland, the whole ' truth was told, and the claim of Ireland was unintentionally established. I The Presbyterian* 111 Scotland are as somewhat more thau four to | one of the population. Tho Catholics of Ireland are about the same | to their uou-Citliolic fellow countrymen. The late Irish University debates have lilted the whole question, and placed it upon this level . | Catholic Ireland justly claims that its higher education shall be j Catholic And from ibis demand,^! trust, under God, it will never go , back. Tho Bishops and people of Ireland who, in resistance 01 the | Godless colleges flve-and-twenty years ago, founded a Catholic U:n I versity, will not fa.i now in rosi3ting the scheme of a mixed univerrty,to gne permanence and developnio.it to tho university which already . exists. The vigorous unity of tho pastors and people of Ireland will

not hesitate to take up and to consolidate the work^which was se weft begun with bo much foresight, and with so much self-denial. Its veryexistence on Stephen's Green is a witness that Catholic Ireland claimi a pure Catholic University. I trust that no line, no letter of this nobto and explicit inscription, will be effaced. It was the work of the Irish Church and nation. It has stool for more thau twenty years, bearing witness to the claims of the laity of Ireland, and to the duty cf the Imperial Parliament towards the Irish people. If it served uo other purpose in our day — and it does serve a multitude of other and excelleut uses — this one aloue would suffice to bind the faithful to maintain it iD its integrity, and to make it the centre of the higher national education of Ireland. IV. If thi9 be done by the spontaneous efforts of tlia Irish people, the day must come when a juster spirit wilt pravail in our Legislature. It will not for -ever obey the narrow bigotry of Covenanters, nor the jealous fears of Sectarians, nor the imperial haughtiness of tyrannical Liberals, nor the supercilious contempt of infidels. The Parliament of the future will be broader, and more in sympathy with the constituencies of the three kingdoms. England and Scotland will net claim to legislate for Ireland according to English and Scotch interests and prpju -ices ; and Ireland, when it is justly treated, will have no more will then than it has now to make or meddle in local affairs of England or Scotland. The three peoples are distinct in blcod, in religion, in character, and in local interests. TheyJ will soon learn to "live and let live," when the vanishing reliquice of the Tudor tyranny shall have died out unless the insane example of Germany shall, for "a time, inflime the heads of certain violent politicians to try thei* hand at what they call an Imperial policy. I have watched with a mixture of sorrow and indignation the waitings and the speeches of a handful of boisterous and blustering doctrinaire*, who are trjiug to turn men away from doing -what is just towards Ireland by grandiloquent phrases about the Imperial race and Imperial policy. An Imperial policy, in the mouths of doctrinaires, means a legislation which ignores the special character and legitimate demands of races and localities, and subjects them io the coercion of laws at variance with their most sacred instincts, so the Imperial policy of ancient Rome, which wifely consolidaied its world-wide power by the most delicate regard to the religion of every race and nation. But our doctrin lires either have no religion, or a "Scotch or English creed. They will fcakj good care to make .provision for themselves. Imperial policy means, and may be defined as, legislation to hamper and harass the Catholic Church in Ireland. Such Imperial legislation would be intensely English for England, aud Scotch for Scotland ; but Imperial, that is anti Irish and anti-Catholic, for Ireland. Imperial legi-!a ion means using Imperial power to force Ireland l.ito subjection to the religious ideas of England. These same gentlemen lament openly that the policy of rha Tudors stopped short of -extermiinting tho Irish Catholic race. They are saying : "If ws had lived in the days of our fathers not a Calholb soul should have been left in Ireland, and then we should now have had no trouble with questions of Church, or land, or university education." Tho appearance of euMi public counsellors is a portent. They distort the vision and heat tho blood of men; they revive snimosifies and kindle old hates. They may be the forerunners of convulsions which, would lay waste our public peace, if there be not calm?r heads aud juster hearts to repress their inflammatory decla nation. The rise of an empire in no causs of joy to men who love their country. It is the sign e-f the loss of true liberty. When local government, springing from pure natioi.nl self-control, grows weak aud inpotent, then, and then only, it is that imperial centralization becomes possible a «ul necessary. France has tried it, and is expiating the fault by half a century of successive revolutions aai a chrouic instability. Germany is beginning to inflict upon itself a. vengeance worse thin Fivnce could wivak, by an iuipcrhl despotism which legislates in violitiinof the religion an 1 conscience of its subjects. Its present ecelesia-iical law 3 have been hailed ar.d heralded by oar newspapers 33 the policy of Henry VIII. Till the other day no Englishman was found to glorify Henry VIII. Now he Ins received hh apotheosis as a great Englishman and a wise Ling. Germany is applauded because it is persecuting the Catholic Church. The Imperial powd 1 is setting to us t lie magnanimous example of defying the Pope. ArlL-les without end appear ev-'ry wick, all alue with sympithy f ;r this ignobl • tyranny, which \i ilites liberty of co-m-L'tice, of religion, of speech, aad of action, in it's most sici'.-d sphere. A.ud Englishman, who have prate I for thre-3 hundred years of tli3 daty of private jadginenr, of the rights 01 conscience, cf civil aad reli^ijiu liberty, ai\j p raisin" 1 the Geumvi penal laws with all the fervor with w lijh they u=>dd to denounce the fables if the Spa.ii-h luquUition. "\ . T cannot siy that I hive imi"h fear of an irapcria 1 poliry i:i Great- IJntai.i and L-elaii.l. The day is pw, 11-id IVI work would b 1 found tjo to.ijh :br oar d-vtrin me-<. My chief rea, 0 i f>r this confidence- is, 1 lut the ;.e >p'o of these three Li ;;» lo r.s v.ll not hare it so. Thoy mean to 111111151' their own aiFiirs with a threat ex»en«ioa, rather thin an Vurbreadih of Juninu'ion, i 1 the freed am of 100 il sj!f government. They aro wilii I*, n* I said, to live an 1 to let live j°not t> meddle w.ffi oilier*, njr t > allow anvb^Jy toir.eddio with them : above all, iv matters of co iaoiei.ee and religion they wul not be interfered with by any authority. They hive no de-i.-e to iuterfeie with the conscience or religioa ot ili.ir m ighbors ; and they do not mean to be used ugai i as the toob or the weapons of any p-irty, political o: religious. Such is certnin'y the nvnl a-i.l r.-i 1 of the E.^lish people, as I believe i cm undertake to s iy ; a-i I I Llii.sk to v- G-iu ;«j wo-ild bj able to add your testimony as to : Jib pc iple of Ire': in \. They hivo least of allany desi.-e to me Idle- with the pohtioil oi- reagiom siif.iirs of their neighbors ; and thty !nve no intention tint a iy ueighb )rs whatsoever should meddle with tl eirs. Li this temper uf mm I I sea tho surest guarantees of our future, peace; and of the healthful development of a lof-al solf-governmen 1 : over the thivo king lo.ns, suited to the eh iracter, faith, conscience, trj/.itiur.s, and interests of rich. Wa shill thereby remove every day further from tho dangers of" Imperial " contraliz ition, which 13 everywhere, a- it has boon ii France, t'le paralyse of nil local

energy and life. In this expansion of our distinct and various national life and energy, I ree also the bonds of mutual good will and justice which must assuredly draw us more closely together, and hold us indiseolubly united. I sh»U, therefore, hope that our legislature will hereafter represent more adequately the legitimate will, conscience, and mind of Great Britain and Ireland, and that when certain politicians, who should Tote for denominational education in England and mi red education in Ireland, because they exist by favour of the Orangemen of Ireland and the Anglicans in England, shall have put off their traditional narrowness and their anti-Catholic enmity ; and when the so-called Liberals •hall have repented of their sympathy with the German penal laws, and the Nonconformists shall have remembered that it is not for Free Churches to force the conscience of those who believe education without religion to be anti-Christian ; when these recent mental aberrations shall have been rectified by certain of our legislators, and they will be rectified when the House of Commons truly represents the people of the three kingdoms, — then, I believe, the university education offered to the people of Ireland will be sv»ch as a Catholic nation has a right to possess. Until then I hope both the Bishops end the laity of Ireland will wait in patience. The policy of patience won for them hereafter a true and pure Catholic University, VI. During the late debates I heard strange utterances about the duty of Government to interfere to save the laity of Ireland from an Ultramontane priesthood. There are yet men alive, and in Parliament, too, who can harbour and utter such wild talk. This was the dream of those who set up the National Education of 1835. They fought Papacy " with their right hand tied behind them." The result was not encouraging. And now, rather than confess their mistake, they must try it again. It has failed with tbe poor, but it may prosper with the upper class ; especially if there can be found anywhere the fear of being thought to be priest-ridden, to work upon. I will confess that I had maliciously made up my mind, when I should be enjoying your hospitality, to see what the layu>en of Ireland would say to this benevolent purpose of their English protectors. As I have not seldom to conveiso with men who profess to know on the best evidence that tho laity in Ireland are sighing for redemption from an Ultramontane and domineering priesthood, I thought it would not be amiss if I could give in this matter the result of my own experience. But in truth, I have no need to go to Armagh, to know wliab the laity of Ireland would aay to tlioso who scatter imputations on tbeir fidelity, and would try to seduce them from thoir pastors ; nor do I need any evidence to assure me that the handful of men, who in London or in Dublin mutter and whisper under the eaves of Governments against the Hierarchy of Ireland, do not represent or know the Irish people. VII. I am well aware how many questions there are bearing on the welfare of Ireland, which demand attention ; but I must take leave to say that in my judgment there is none that bears any comparison in vital importance to that of education. It is nothing less than this : Shall the posterity of Ireland be the children of Sf. Patrick, or the children of thi9 world ? Here is au issue iv which I believe all Irishmen will be united. Even the Protestants and the Presbyterians of Ireland desire that education shall be religious and Christian. The whole Irish people, Catholic and Protestant, therefore, alike demand that the tradition of Christian education, unbroken hitherto, may be preserved inviolate, and handed down as they have received it to their children's children. I rejoice to know that on the 12th of July no Catholic in Ulster raised his hand or his voice to hinder the freedom which his Protestant neighbors enjoyed ; and that ou the 15th of August no Protestant Bio Ted to disturb his Catholic neighbors. When thece things can be t?one in UJster, what may not be done in Ireland ? I learned yesterday that on Sunday, while the Catholic Cathedral of Armagh was dedicated, the bells of Armagh rang a friendly greeting. God grant that their mingled harmony may be a prophecy of a future perfect uuity of faith. It made me doubly sorry that I w»9 riot there to hear them. Whatever experiments, I was almost going to say tricks, the miserable political and religious contentions of England may force men to practice iv thi3 country, Scotland will have none of them. John Knox lias just put his foot down, and while he gives freedom to others, he will have his own Bible and Catechism. Ireland will not fail to do ■what Scotland has done. St. Patrick will claim that the Christian faith of the whole people shall be guarded in all ita purity aud freedom ; and Irishmen will know how to make this national right known aud felt at the uext general election. I hope to see the hundred and five Irish members vote as one niau against every attempt to meddle with the full freedom and purity of religious education in It-eland. Arid now, my dear Lord Primate, 1 have detained you too long ; and if 1 were not to put some forco on myself, I should run on out of bounds. I hope my brethren, the Bishops of Ireland, will accept what I have written as an expression of my heartfelt regret at finding myself here alone, while they were offering up the Holy Sacrifice iv tlianksgiving, in the new Cathedral of Armagh. The Catholic Church in Ireland and in England has at this day a solid unity of mutual cooperation such as it never had since Armagh and Canterbury were iounded. In tho Vatican Council no Saint had so many mitred sous as St. Patrick ; and, wonderful are the ways of God, no power on varth. had there a Hierarchy so numerous gathered from the ends of the earth as our own. These things are not without a future ; and thut futui© hangs in great measure on our close- union and mutual help. In your brotherly invitation to Armagh I read the same meaning ;. and in this answer, iv tlie name of the Catholic Bishops and Cliurch iv England, I accept and reciprocate the assurance of our alliance. Believe me, my dear Lord Primate, Your Grace's affectionate Brother und. Servant, t HENKY EDWARD, Arehbibli^p of Westminster. London, August &1, 1873,