MR BUTT AT LIMERICK—" PLUNDERING AND BLUNDERING."

New Zealand Tablet, Volume I, Issue 41, 7 February 1874, Page 10

MR BUTT AT LIMERICK— " PLUNDERING AND BLUNDERING."

J Mr Isaac Bcrrhas aVu-essed hu constituents. , Mr Butt, who on rising was received with great cheering, said he ! had come to give an account of his conduct a* th.'ir representative — a 1 practice which was far less usual in Ireland than it should be. He ' was the first to commence the practice m Ireland, ami the only meini bers who now adoptjJ it were ilr Mitc'iell fL-'iry and MrLewis, ; members for Derry, ami Air R?nayne. This rp.usj of this lay in the fast that they had not real representative gnornment u'lilcr the present sjstetn of representation. There was uot'ung like unity of feeling between repreceatatives an I constituents, <tiid gun'lmnja hid theniI selves a lurking consciousness that parliament and people were not inJ [ unison. If as long as they were obliged to send members over to EngI land they were able to forco upon them the practice of mtvting their ; constituents, ie would be of greater good. Of all the maxims of Burke 1 he most highly valued that one in which he sai 1 that " the perfection ol the English constitution would be when the com.nons in p irli.imenf, assembled were one wiih the commons at large" (cheers), ilo looked ; upon buoh meetings as the present as educalional for all concerned. ' lie would briefly advert to somo questions winch U:vl OAMpbd the at- , tentiou of parliament, but lie was aware that they wviv iut tho most i essential questions to tint mooting. They had returned him us their ' m mber, not that they hoped ANY GOOD FHOM HIM IN TIIE ENOLISH PARLIAMENT, but that he might express their opini ms on the qiusitm of Irish nationality. Every day deepened his conviction tl v, it was impossible that an English parliament could do justicej ustice to Ireland. Tho history of tho lajt ses3ion established the fact that the present parliament I could not legislate for Ireland. It was a physical impossibility to do co when people- were in the House of Commons till three o'clock it tho | moruing. lie wo ild surprise them if lie were to go over the number ! of measures introduced j ear after year for the past thirty years, and show how they had been deferred h. erase there v\s no ti-no to conI Bidcr them ; perhaps, from the way m winch wino Irish business [ wa3 transacted, it was better that they h\d so little time to deal with

ft. There vu not a bill introduced for the benefit of Ireland but ihe next year a bill was brought in to explain and amend it, and the year after a bill was brought in to explain and amend an act which explained and amended a previous act (hear, hear). The system of English government was, in the words of Mr Disraeli — A COURSE O» " PLUNDBBINO 11Q> BLTTXDEBING." It was a great mistake to suppose that legislation was the only business of parliament. Its real and true business was to keep administration in unison with the wishes of the nation. That was the real meaning of representative government as detailed by English statesmen, writers and philosophers. He asked them whether they had any such assembly in Ireland a 9 kept administration in union with their feelings. He answered " No. 11 It had not been so for seventy years, and tne condition was made more galling by all the time being told that they enjoyed the British constitution. Mr Butt then reviewed the principal questions of the day, dwelling specially on the Coercion Bill. Since he has been in Limerick he HAD BEEN INFORMED OF A CASE CP A MOST GALLING COERCION. A gentleman, Mr Gubbings, of Kilfinane, who was as fit to carry arms as the proudest nobleman in the land, was refused a license for a gun. That a gentleman so high in character, worth, and respectibility should have to demean himself to any government hireling was an insult and a degradation to every Irishman (cheers). The mayor had invited him to be present on the occasion when the lord lieutenant opened the Graving Docks, but upon that very night the government were introducing a renewal of the Coercion Bill. He (Mr Butt) thought that his proper place was in the House of Commons to resist it (cheers). With regard to the University question, Mr Butt explained that he was going to vote against that Bill, and went to Dublin to go to London to vote against it, but wan there attacked by illness. He believed it was vain to attempt to force any kind of education on a people who objected to it, and he was for giving equal freedom to all classes in the matter of religious instruction. At present, if A CROSS WERE LEFT ON THE "WALLS OF A NATIONAL SCHOOL, commissioners were heard and books published on the matter. This was trifling. He knew what would be said about him for these opinions. He was asked a few days since by the ' Times ' whether he was going to hand over Irish education to Cardinal Culleu. He wonld be asked if he were going to promote Ultramontanism. This was a big word ; he would like to know the meaning of ir. But if it meant what he had stated be believed it was the most Liberal thing in the world (hear, hear). Mr Butt next referred to the question of amnesty for the political prisoners. It had been Baid that he had been played a trick by Mr Gladstone, but ho did not believe that such was the fact. However, on the two occasions that he had brought forward the question of amnesty Mr Gladstone left the house. Mr Gladstone might have been called away on urgent business. The cabinet ministers were sometimes there, but that only further showed that the English parliament could not govern Ireland (cheers). Mr Butt next referred to the qualifications for voters in Ireland as in England, and also to the grand jury law 3, which he characterised as a burlesque upon constitutional law. The Land Act (whioh was only a temporary measure) was being every day found more useless than before to protect the tenant and make him A FREE MAN INSTEAD OF A SERF. Referring to the Home Rnlo movement, Mr Butt said there never was any movement which had made such progress as that for Home Rule had done during the past three years and three months. At that time about fifty gentlemen met to consider the best means for raising the condition of the country, ai»d he now smiled when he remembered that one of the objects proposed was to have a royal residence in Ireland (laughter). However, he proposed his scheme of Home Rule, and it was unanimously carried (hear, hear). One of the first public expressions that were made on the subject was when he had addressed them in that theatre at the invitation of the Limerick Farmers' Club. He eaid now that no matter whom it may offend, no man was worthy of or should receive any municipal honor, or any other honor who held back in the cause of his country (cheers). During the past three years they had taught the Irish dwellers in the great towns of England to know iheir strength, and that they impressed their views on intelligent and able Englishmen such as Mr Alderman Carter, M.P., a, id Mr Serjeont Simon, M.P. At the present moment the number of signatures attached to the requisition calling for a Home Kulo conference was 18,000, and the last at present was that of John, Archbishop of Tuam (cheeis). They, therefore, need rot despair of having their own parliament ere long sitting in Collego Green. Ho would wish to ask them now— and he hoped they would carry the question away with them — " Had they a representative government in Ireland ?" That was the old question and for that they «hould struggle. The English people had not home rule befo: c the Reform Bill, when kWTilium IV. was afraid to enter the City of London at the invitation »>f the lord mayor, and 200,000 PEOPLE OV BIRMINGHAM HAD ASSEMBLED TO MARCH ON LONDON (cheers). The English people, therefore, cculd not blame them for seeking that which they tliemtelves had struggled for and gained. He asked them again, " Had they a representative government ? — had tlu-j a government in accordance with their wishes and the feelings an I sentiments of the people ?" Where should they turn for au answer ? To what part of Irish legislation shoul 1 ho look for anything but o thwarting and vexing of the sentiments of the national feeling? Ireland in every fibre of her frame, tortured by the vexations of an nlion government, answered " No" (cheers). There was no pluco in Ireland from which the same answer did not come. It came from the h'gii places of the land, to which men had often been raised by betraying iheir country, but none by serving it (cheers). It came from the drawing-rooms of Dublin Castle, where patriotism was mocLid anl uatiounl feehag %vas sneorcd at. The same answer cani( from the otliei svla of the Atlantic — from the toiling masses of thei: couutvfinci' who bad gone from their laud f o seek a livelihood whicl ■was ilcnied (hem at home, leaving houses roofless and healths desolate wl v-ro cl.ildrt- once played by the firelight around the knees of thei uiie.

THE SAME ANSWER CAME FBOM THE DUNGEONS, in the wail of the prisoners whose emancipation they were asking for. From the dungeons came the same voice and answer, from their de* populated fields, from the desolate houses, from uninhabited districts came the answer, " No, we have not a government which represent* the feelings of the Irish nation." That voice rose from the grave of Emmetfc, of whom all men now spoke as a hero (cheeks). From many a martyr's grave and many a patriot's blood the same voice arose. Turn where they would — to the past or present or the glorious future, the same answer came, and all the vowes swelled into a roll of thunder, and before God and Heaven and man it answered "No!" Should they then endure it ? " No, no." He did not ask them to do what England did — to arm in hundreds and thousands AND DECLARE THEMSELVES K.EADY TO MARCH TO LONDON (cheers). They were asked to show their wishes prudently and firmly. There was a power abroad now more mighty by far than the House of Commons — the power of public opinion, a power which increased and swelled by every book that was printed ; a power to which new foroa was added when any man learned to read ; a power which was increased when any spoke from heart to heart as he did there to them tint night (cheers). The voice from the altar bade the national cause " God speed." Bigotry was passing away. THEIE PROTESTANT COTJSTHYMKN WERE COMING FORWARD to join them (a voice : ''They are welcome "). He knew they were: did they want to tell that to him? (cheers). Yes, they were welcome to the veins of the heart of every Irishman and every true Catholic (cheers). Their countrymen were coming forward to join them in what they were asking. Even the' Times,' a fa* days ago, asked the people of Ireland to express their wishes on the subject, and said that if Ireland demanded Home Rule, England had only to look out for the means by which it could be granted without danger to herself. So it was plain that the day of Ireland's — " deliverance "he was going to say, and, God knew, he thought it would be appropriate — but the day of Ireland's salvation was drawing nigh (applause). Let them firmly demand their rights, and at no far distant day they would be conceded (tremendous applause). A vote of t bunks to Mr Butt, which was carried unan/mously, brought the proceedings to a termination.