NOTES.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume I, Issue 14, 2 August 1873, Page 10

NOTES.

(By a Layman.) Who Take the Cream: Stbikes. We have it dinned into our ears for ever — what nobody now doubts — that railways are an immense advantage to a couatry as a means of promoting tiade and agriculture. While railroads are building, the working classes, the publicans, and small storekeepers have money in both pockets. But after they are built, who gets the profits principally ? In England, certainly not the working classes, or the middle class generally. It is found that they have beeu constructed chiefly foi 1 the advantage of the monied men. The agricultural and laboring classes in England are now, and have long been, on pauper wages. The same may be said of the laboring classes gene* rally, though of late they have been better off. England has long been covered with a network of railroads, yet four and a half millions of her population are, during some portion of the year, in a Btate of destitution, livirg on public charity, and therefore in a degraded state

of dependence. This being so, there must be something Tory wrong in our social system — in our public policy. It is by the skill and industry of our laboring classes mainly, that the wealth and grandeur of England have boen created, and yet they are the very parties who profit least from England's wealth and power. They have hitherto been slaves — slaves to the capitalists; but they are determined to be so no longer : they lave found out the secret of their power. They find that by combination, by extensive, peaceful, orderly, well-organized combination and union among themselves, thej can secure what hitherto they have never been able to obtain — a fair share of the profits of their industry. The capitalist is no longer now the sole and despotic master of the situation. The working classes have gained this immense advantage without any interfence of parliament ; they have secured it by their own spirit, energy, and intelligence The only danger is that they may push their power too far, and, yielding to the unscrupulous spirit of avarice which guided the capitalists, insist on having a larger share of profit than they are in reason or equity entitled to receive. That is possible, and it is what the legislature could not well prevent, I believe. This could only be prevented by the men acting from a sense of j ustice — from their having a conscience, in £ict. We see thus the fallacy of the maxim, that Parliament is omnipotent. It cannot make an honest man ; it cannot give men a conscience, and prevent them taking an undue advantage of their situation. That is beyond its power. I think we shall ere long have to reverse the maxim about the omnipotence of Parliament, and say that it is powerless, or is becoming more ao every day. If we are to stem the torrent of those numberless vices which issue from avarice, we must not look to Parliament for any material aid, but place our confidence in the Church — the Catholic Church, which can alone efficiently rule and guide the consciences of men. Looking at the question of strikes from this point of view, both statesmen and capitalists may well hesitate to take any course which shall break the authority of the Catholic clergy ovor the conscience cf their people. Since writing the above, an English mail has reached. The newspapers arrived afford strong confirmation of the truth of what I have aaid above. Strikes are being widely extended, and certain parties aw taking advantage of them to charge an extortionate price for coals, to the prejudice not only of the consumer, but of the miner. This exhibition of heartless greed will no doubt exasperate the miners still more, and will drive them — and it may be other classes of laborers, too— to strike more extensively than ever. A contest between capital and labor such as this must lead to grave results, pecuniary and political. It is somewhat remarkable that the Catholic Church in England, in the person of Archbishop Manning, has come forward to take the part of the laboring classes, in the present efforts to protect themselves against the tyranny of capitalists — provided the agitators act in a Godfearing way, as the agriculturalists have done and profess they will do. The Anglican hierarchy, as identified with the aristocracy and capitalists, hang back, and make no sign of sympathy with the laboring classes. Archbishop Manning is represented as the agent of the Jesuits in advocating the interests of tho working classes. This kind of game haa been too often played to succeed nowadays. Both the Jesuits and Archbishop Manning are too well known in England now to suffer fi om any such calumnies ; but, indeed, it would be no calumny to say the Jesuits are the best friends of the common people in every country where they are rejident and influential. They would not be what they are, the true servants of Christ, if they were not falsely accused of many things like their blessed Master. Mr Froude tells that in Catholic times selfishness was " only named to be abhorred." It would be well if such times came back on us in England now. Trades Unions and Tempibance Unions. There is one circumstance in particular which keeps the working men from occupying their proper position in the body politic, and prevents them giving full effect to strikes, as a means of protecting themselves against the extortion of tho capitalist. I mean the intemperate habits in which so large a proportion of them indulge. This was put in a very striking way the other evening by a workiug man in the course of an address at an open-air meeting in Queen's street, Auckland, held to advocate the temperance cause or total abstinence. He told us that in Melbourne he had been out on strike with several others. They were obliged to give in to the master at las*;, because the total abstainers among them had to keep the " lushingtons," of whom ho was then one. These latter gents had spent most of their savings in the tap-room. Had they all been total abstainers they would have been in funds to stand out till their employers came to their terms. He had learnt, wisdom from dear-bought experience, and was now an abstainer, as well as an apostle of the cause. The truth is tho dealers in liquor are the greatest and most tyrannical capitalists in the country. The working men should go out on the strike against them by grand temperance " unions." They have begun this p!an of operations in Great Britain and Ireland. They have began it in New Zealand, too. In Dunedin, I see, they are carrying it out bravely by the establishment of a joint stock temperance hotel on the limited liability system. That i 3 the beginning. I hope it is not the last of such hotels we shall see established in this colony. I say not a ■word, observe, against those who use drink in moderation. This ib a land of liberty ; but Ido say that alcoholic liquor is necessary to nonej it is dangerous to all j and has ruined and is destroying millions — or thousands at least — in soul, body, and estate. It keeps a large proportion of our working men — Irish and Catholic working men among others— in a state of bondage to tae capitalist, and to the drink as well. It keeps them away from church and their children from school. When shall we see a Catholic working mens' club in Auckland conducted on the temperance or total abstinence and limited liability principle ? Not soon I fear. Not that all the shareholders and those wbo frequented such a club must of nocessity be total abstainers, but only that no liquor be sold or used on the premises. With a reading room and billiard and chess table attached, such a club, I believe, would pay if well managed. We have many good men and true amoag the Catholic working men in this Province ; but for such an undertaking we want a leader, a

layman of public spirit and means. No movement like that goes a-head without a competent leader. The^gentles have their clubs for social, political, and economical purposes ; why not the working men, too ? Why not the Catholic working men ? Such an institution would contribute to their respectability, to their prosperity, and, what is more, it would add to their political power and influence in the state. We have good musicians among our community, and they no doubt would add to the attractions of our total abstinence club on festive occasions and occasions of public processions therewith connected. The political power of Catholics will be great in proportion to their sobriety and the fidelity with which they perform the duties which the church enjoins upon them. If they are dissipated and disloyal to the church, they will never possess much political power, and do not deserve to possess any. Your Readers. Your paper is more likely to come into the hands of Protestants of various denominations, than any other denominational paper. You are the representative of an ancient and world wide community. Many men who fear, hate, or despise the Catholic Church, are fain to know what its priests and members are about — what they are saying and doing in public — what they are aiming at. Curiosity, therefore, may lead many of these to look into your pages. On the other hand, many sinc3re members of the Anglican Communion, men of education and undoubted piety, now have a longing after the Catholic Church. They feel a want of something within them, and have a sort of instinctive conviction that the Catholic Church alone can supply that want. It is but a very narrow line which separates the Roman Catholio Church from the Church of England. That line is becoming narrower and fainter every day. English Protestants are daily passing over it, and entering the " one only fold " of the good Shepherd. Many, we know, are preparing to follow then*. This ought to induce every devout Catholio to redouble his prayers for the conversion of England., and the Anglo-Saxon race all over the world. Controversy may help some timid but devout souls into the Catholic Church, but the prayeti of Catholics will be far more effectual for that end. The Catholio Church has suffered long and much from the hostility of the press, but infinitely more from the indevotion of Catholics themselves, many of whom probably seldom or never pray for the conversion of their erring brethren, and yet wonder at the few conversions. Anglican Fasts and Festivals. I once put to a lady acquaintance of mine, the widow of an archdeacon, the same question your correspondent " An Inquirer," asked in your issue of 7th June. Why don't the Anglican clergy and laity observe the days of fasting and abstinence as laid down and enjoined upon them in "The Book of Common Prayer? " The lady could not tell because she did not know the reason-why. I lately put a similar question to one good and staunch Anglican layman, for whom I have a great respect. He did not so muoh as know that there was any such regulation or law in his " Book," enjoining fasts or holidays at all. I hope some of our good and pious Anglican friends will enlighten us through the medium of your paper, on the point. The subject is confessedly of a delicate nature. My conviction i 3 that there are two reasons principally for the non-observance of these rules by Anglicans — Ist. Fasting is not pleasant to flesh and blood. Some tepid Catholios themselves on that account omit the practice, and frame frivolous excuses to justify the omission. 2nd. Fasting is considered by Angli. cans as a " Popish " practice, and those among them who do observe it, are always- suspected — often not without reason— of a tendency towards the "old faith ; of a disposition "to go over to Rome" in fact. Hence all staunch Anglicans set; their face against fasting, the order in their " Boot " to practice it notwithstanding. I myself was reared a Presbyterian. They too have their "fast days" on which there is no fasting in a corporeal sense. Perhaps some of your Otago Presy. terian friends will tell the reason why the name without the thing is kept up by them. Is it only a blind, or make-believe, or what? Presbyterians I know regard religious fasting as a mere " bodily exer. cise," which brings no profit to the soul j and they are of course right if faating be not practiced with proper dispositions. In that case, I suppose, it would not only be uaelesss, but positively hurtful to the soul. Another consideration—Anglicans can by " the right of private judgment," set aside any rule of discipline or of faith in their " Book, without any great qualms of conscience. It is a convenient thing, is that " right of private judgment," — very— only it is attended with this slight inconvenience, that it leads into grievous and pernicious errors of faith and morals, and creates endless divisions and dissonsions among Christians, to the destruction of Christian charity, and tho fostering of spiritual pride and self-will. Spirit ov the Auckland Press. The ' Daily Southern Cross' comments on tho proposed Canterbury Provincial Immigration Scheme, and says— " Of course, if Canterbury be in a position to do this (establish a Home Agency) on her own responsibility, no one has any right -to prevent her ; but certainly Parliament will never consent to sanction that the salaries and necessary expenses be paid out of the immigration loan." Of the extension of the Waikato line of railroad, from Mercer to the frontier (to the confiscated boundary), for which the Waikato settlers are agitating, it says— "To give full scope to the policy of settlement, and securing future peace— in fact, to render this line of real value to the Provinoe at large, its extension is a necessity. The « Cross ' is an advocate for " centralization," and may probably go in for the abolition of the House of Representatives, and allowing the ministry to be "master" of everything some of these days.

When Lord Jeffrey was a boy he met a man in High street, Edinburgh, in whose appearance there was nothing remarkable butja pair of large dark eyes, which, when animated, were wont to glow from their deep recesses like lighted charcoal. As he stood gazing after the stranger some one tapped him on the shoulder, and saidj "Ay laddie, ye may well look at that man ! That's Robert Burns/