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RUSSIA AND GERMANY

the Russian decision to end the occupation of East Germany technically. Dr. Adenauer hasn’t been deceived by the Russian gesture towards East Germany. It’s only a_ gesture, because there’s not much difference between being a country in Russian occupation and being a Russian satellite. There’s certainly no more freedom. But unfortunately Dr. Adenauer and the West Germans aren’t the only people concerned. What Russia is really trying to do is to give some appearance of realism to the proposition she put forward at the last’ Four Power talks, for a 50-year security pact for Europe in which West Europe would find security in a Russian pledge and not in armed strength. That doesn’t look a very good proposal to us in New Zealand, but we’re not Europeans, and to a good many Europeans the offer’s got its attractions. For example, the idea of an understanding between France and Russia has always had French friends who aren’t Communists. It represents a policy that’s more than half a century old and it’s a pretty good reply to the French fear | like to say something about

of a rearmed and reinvigorated Germany. That’s really the core of this problem. Both Russia and France ate afraid of the same thing-a Germany which has. arisen again and which threatens to dominate Europe... The idea behind the Russian gesture is to show that Russia really wants a united Germany and is prepared to help Germany towards unity. And, of course, Russia really does want a united Germany and is prepared to help Germany towards unity-on Russian terms. Those terms ate the abandonment of the European Defence Community, commonly called EDC, and of the other defensive arrangements made under the North Atlantic Treaty. Organisation, commonly known as NATO. You've just heard what urgency Britain and America attach to these arrangements being concluded. That means the abandonment of Europe by ‘Britain and America. In effect, that’s the price Russia proposes ~~ e

to charge for her 50 years security pact. To us, it looks an exorbitant price. After all, the one new ingredient in the situation in Europe is® the British and American guarantee of the security of the West of Europe. If there had been a guarantee like this in 1914 or 1939 we shouldn’t have had two world wars. The odds against Germany would have been too big. To us, it seems almost unbelievable that anyone should weigh the Russian proposition for a moment against the advantages of EDC or NATO, especially since the British and American guarantee is the result of a radical change in American policy which no one would have believed possible even a few years ago. But I’m afraid there’s an inclination to weigh one against the other, all because of this Persistent fear of Germany, -I can’t believe, and I don’t suppose many other people do believe, that in the end Russia will get very far, but she'll certainly try very hard and keep on trying . .. If they’d put the same idea forward towards the end of the war when everybody believed in their good faith, and America was offering a 40-year guarantee of German demilitarisation, the idea of peace through a series of collective treaties might have been accepted . . . It certainly won’t be welcomed by Britain and America today . . . But it might* help to hold

up the defensive arrangements. And that’s probably what the Russians hope it will do.

R. M.

HUTTON-POTTS

March 27, 1954. *

THE INDO- CHINA WAR

[N stating America’s determination to correct the present position in IndoChina, Mr.* Dulles confirmed what many people already knew — that is, that America is very heavily committed in the Indo-China war; and also what some people already suspected-that she is

prepared to engage in still heavier commitments if

the necessity arises. The Indo-China war has now been going on for more than seven years. The French people are heartily sick of itand so is the French Government. It started as an obscure colonial dispute. Not many people knew much about it, and those who did know hardly cared. The Vietminh forces were regarded merely as a band of rebels challenging the French system of colonial government, and striving for a say in the running of their own affairs. But in seven years this dispute has come into world focus as a major war... Outsiders are already involved, and in a big way. Several nations are helping the French. We in New Zealand have made our contributions . . . But by far the greatest contributor to the Indo-China affair is the United States-

Extracts from recent commentaries on the international news, broadcast from the Main National Stations of the NZBS

so great, in fact, that according to reliable figures published this week America at the present time is actually bearing the major cost of the whole campaign ... Why did Mr. Dulles step in at this particular time? Well, there are two reasons. One is that things have been going very badly for the French lately, and some practical outside help is urgently needed if they are to hold their own and carry on... We know that the obvious purpose of the recent all-out Communist attacks at this time is to fashion French opinion towards a compromise peace... ! The other reason for Mr. Dulles choosing this particular moment to speak is perhaps more diplomatic than military. World problems are to be discussed at Geneva this month, and the Indo-China affair is certain to be used as a bargaining factor in these talks. Russia will see to that. We know that Russia could help to bring the Indo-China war to an end if she wished-simply by withdrawing her own support, and by pressing Communist China to do the same. But Russia has her price for any help she is prepared to give, She wants two thingsrecognition for Communist China as one of the world’s Big Five, with equality alongside Britain, France and the United States; and she also wants France to reject the plan for a European Defence Community ... The French are in a dilemma about the whole thing. They want to finish the Indo-China war and bring their soldiers home. A large section of them also want the European army scheme to go through. But they fear that EDC will plant a re-armed Germany once more at their side door... We in New Zealand are of course vitally interested in these promises ‘and predictions. We have a pact of friendship and security with our Pacific neighbours, Australia and the United Statesthat is, the Anzus Pact-and it must now occur to many New Zealanders to ask just what Mr. Dulles means when he speaks of "united action" among the free nations of the world in checking the advance of Communism in SouthEast Asia... Any suggested expansion of the Anzus Pact into an all-Pacific agreement, with wider implications and obligations, would almost certainly be regarded in New Zealand with studied caution-if not with grave concern. We in New Zealand prefer to believe, and indeed to hope, that for the moment this American policy of non-appease-ment in South-East Asia is designed to carry us no further than the meeting at Geneva later thie month.

L. J.

CRONIN

April 3, 1954.

This article text was automatically generated and may include errors. View the full page to see article in its original form.I whakaputaina aunoatia ēnei kuputuhi tuhinga, e kitea ai pea ētahi hapa i roto. Tirohia te whārangi katoa kia kitea te āhuatanga taketake o te tuhinga.
Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/periodicals/NZLIST19540415.2.40.1

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

New Zealand Listener, Volume 30, Issue 769, 15 April 1954, Page 18

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,204

RUSSIA AND GERMANY New Zealand Listener, Volume 30, Issue 769, 15 April 1954, Page 18

RUSSIA AND GERMANY New Zealand Listener, Volume 30, Issue 769, 15 April 1954, Page 18

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