POOLING THE WORLD'S LABOUR PROBLEMS.

Digger (Invercargill RSA), Issue 13, 11 June 1920, Page 15

POOLING THE WORLD'S LABOUR PROBLEMS.

PLAN TO SAFEGUARD THE WORKERS IN THE TRADE WAR OF THE NATIONS. Let every thoughtful person consider this question : How is it possible to appease the ever-growing demands of Labour for a greater share in the national income, whilst, at the same time, preserving the financial stability of the country? Increased national production, though an essential factor in the solution, is not sufficient. The problems of Labour have now a world signilicance. The matter must be approached in a co-operative international spirit. The lesson of all strikes recently is'this: Unless Labour can be satisfied of the existence of a constructive and progressive policy guaranteeing that there shall be no retum to pre-war conditions, it will proceed to such extremes as will face the country with two alternatives : the supersession of Constitutional Government or civil war. Whatever one xnay think of the rights and wrongs of this point of view, it is useless to blink the fact that it represents fairly accurately the standpoint of Labour. A strike is, generally speaking, the reflection of grave discontent. Contented men do not strike, and it is not in the nature of the avera'ge workman to b,e discontented seriously without good cause. It is axiomatic that if the differences between the workmen and the employers are to be amicably composed, and if the strike menace is to be removed, there must be sympathy with the legitimate wish of Labour for a larger share in the good things of life, and this sympathy must be translated into action. This seems elementary enough. But the other side of the question is equally elementary. If one nation adopts this liberal attitude towards Labour, but other nations do not to the same extent recognise their responsibilities, the lirst nation will be placed at a most serious commercial disadvantage to the others. It is obvious that if manufacturers, owing to the adoption of a progressive labour policy are unable to produce a given article at less than one shih.ag whilst another manufacturing country, owing to the .existence of less humane labour conditions, can produce the same article at sixpence, the English manufacturers cannot compete in the world markets with those of the latter country. CONCESSIONS MUST BE ^NERAL. The fact that, sooner or later, the labouring classes in that country will probably rise and overthrow their Government does not help our manufacturers, whc>, ,by then, will probably be bankrupt! It must, therefore, be recognised that if Labour is to receive substantial and permanent benefit, its rights must be recognised internationally. Any substantial concessions to Labour which are not to be applicable (with the necessary modifications to suit loeal conditions) to the industrial world in general must undoubtedly prove disastrous to the trade of the giver. In other words, the nations must^ pool their Labour problems. The best hope of— and the ready-made machinery , for— effecting this lies in the League of Nations. The international labour organisation of the League met at Washington recently. That it intended to grapple squarely with the difficulties is shown by the agenda which, amongst other vital matters, includes the following:— . (1) The application of the principle of the eight-hour day and of th« fortyeight hours week. (2) The prevention of, or provision against, unemployment. (3) Women's employment generally including the question of maternity benefit. (4) The employment of children. It is too much to expect that these problems will be solved in a day ; it will be-lucky if any of them ijave been solved in a- year. Indeed, when it is remembered that some forty-five States have been invited to participate in this conference, and that These States are in all stages of labour development, it'would be absurd to expect ihe conference to achieve very much at its first meeting beyond clearing the ground for |uture activiti.es. ENGLAND SHOULD LEAD. The procedure will necessarily be slow, owing. to the language difficulty. Resolutions passed at the conference will be conveyed to the various Governments, either in the form of recommendations for adoption or as draft conventions for ratification. In the most favourable circumstances, therefore, some considerable time must elapse before the conclusions reached by the conference can have the force of law. But the guiding principles of the League of Nations are that the workers sliall not be regarded "merely as a com-

modity or article of commerce," and that ths standard of remuneration shall be "a wage adequate-- to maintaln a reasonable standard of life as this is understood in their time and country," and by resolutely dealing with the Labour situation in the spirit of these principles, it cannot be doubted that this conference will do much to lay the foundations of a happier and more prosperous world. The question, then, resolves itself into this : Will the people generally give the International Labour Organisation a chance of doing its work? In this, the world looks to England for a lead. It is a matter of faith and patience. Ihe composition of the conference will be two Government delega-tes, one employers' delegate and one workers' delegate for each member-State. Tliis insur^ the adequate representation of all interests. In addition, a large number of experts attended. Mr G. N. Barnes and Sir Malcolm Delevingne represented the British Government. Mr Stuart Bunning, president of the Trades Unien' Congress, represented the workers; Mr D. S. Marjoribaiiks, of Messrs Armstrong, Witworth, represented the employers. The workers' experts included Mr Henderson, Mr Clynes Mr Bowerman, Mr Sexon and Mr Tom Shaw, whilst Mr Bellhouse and Dr Legg represented the Home Office and. the Ministry of Labour. The problems of Labour do ftot merely involve the existence of our trade and financial stability ; they 'strike at the very roots of Constitutional Government itself. Side by side with the new international labour organisation of the League of Nations stand various international bodies, the principal of which are the International Trades Union Congress and the Soealist Internationale. These bodies have grown up, partly owing to the need for an international forum in which to diseuss labour and social problems. They are representative of only one class, however, and have no constitutional authority. If the League organisation is made a success these voluntary bodies w3l exercise a valuable supplemetary influence. But there are not wanting signs that certain of the more fanatical of the workers would be.glad to overthrow constitutionalism and replace it by some scheme of government of their own contriving, and if the League organisation gives no reasonable promise of bringing about of many reforms, there is the possibility that, in ihe remlting despair, these extremists may succeed in turning organised labour in a b'ody towards the Internationals, which, for labour purposes, would then supplant thc Ijeague. And this wonld be a disaster.