A.—6

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that the recent white settlers, who are in a minority, are to be given the majority of votes in relation to an Indian population which is in majority—thus leaving the latter at the mercy of the former, to be gradually ousted, if necessary, and as seems possible, by means of legislation. I do not mean to enter into the pros and cons of this case—what Lord Elgin said or Lord Milner recommended are side issues—because, from my own twenty years' experience of administration, I know how easy it is to produce arguments with all the power in one's hands and records and papers at one's disposal in favour of one case against another. Arguments would be an unwise course for me to adopt for understandings are not always reached by arguments. I know that there are some noblemen and gentlemen of influence from this country who desire to settle there, if they have not already done so. But the principal argument that has been advanced is that the Colonial Office holds Kenya in trust on behalf of the African races, who are the original inhabitants of that country. Now, if I may say so, it strikes me as being peculiarly grotesque that a country held in trust on behalf of a people who are backward, and have yet to grow under the aegis of the British flag, should actually have a franchise given to any one else to develop the country during the interregnum. Does this mean that when the original tribes and people awaken from their slumber they will be given primary consideration in relation to those who have invested money for several years past, and who govern the country, not under trust, but under a franchise ? Ido not wish to enter into any further arguments. The whole question of Indians overseas seems to be one which does not mean the flooding of the different portions of the Empire with Indian immigrants claiming rights and privileges merely by their number in order to oust others who may have the rightful heritage. Mr. Mackenzie King, in one of his utterances in this Conference, said, with regard to Canada, that it was possible to restrict immigration from Japan by mutual agreement, not necessitating the introduction of law. That was mutual right understanding which did not cause any humiliation on either side, and allowed the Dominions to grow in accordance with their own environments, yet at the same time made no strictures or asked no strictures to be passed on peoples who had settled there as peaceful citizens. I believe that the Indian Government—and lam open to correction if I am wrong —would be equally prepared to enter into mutual understanding with the various Dominions and colonies to prevent immigrants from flooding these countries. Under such circumstances is it not possible to modify the laws and to enforce them in a manner that they do not pointedly chafe against any particular community, thus causing them humiliation ? What I want to know is whether my countrymen, as citizens of the British Empire, have any rights to settle in these countries, not for exploitation, not by way of peaceful penetration, but as peaceful traders, to live their unobtrusive existence. Tribute to General Smuts. General Smuts, in talking about the questions of Indians who come to his country, suggested, I think, in a casual way that they might be sent for settlement to British Guiana. I believe the British flag has been planted at the North Pole, so I wonder if that would not be a more suitable solution of the problem if it was desired to exterminate them. But I really came to know General Smuts after my brief knowledge of him, that, although he has been called, I am sorry to say, the arch-enemy of India, yet we have in him, if I may be permitted to say so to his face, a sagacious statesman who sees far ahead of ordinary mortals what is in the interests of our greater Empire. From my personal conversations with him I would really reverse the epithet, and say that I regard him since I have come here —and I speak in no platitudes in his heart of hearts, personally, a staunch friend and supporter of India. I may assure you, friends, that I quite appreciate the difficulties that exist in the solution of this great problem. I realize that, though individually most of you may be prepared to look at the matter from a broad Imperial view, you have to return to your Parliaments, which may hold different opinions. All I have to say, therefore, is that, while we are conferring in this Imperial assemblage, can we not put our heads together to solve the difficulty which surely human beings were meant to solve, not for the sake of individuals, but for the sake of the Empire ? I have said this much because I feel that the problem is much greater than what appears on the surface relating merely to Indians overseas. If you can enable India, by real action, to feel that her humiliation is removed, that she can take pride in the Empire to which she has the privilege to belong, you will have achieved something which will be of lasting credit to yourselves and of benefit to the chain of which we all form loyal links. Particularly since I have come here have I realized how whole-heartedly and with a single purpose Lord Reading and his Government have given their utmost help to our cause. Things do not always appear in public or in the Press which enable India to see what part the Government of India is playing in our cause. All glory, however, is due to them for their assistance. We shall not easily forget it, and hope that some day we may repay them for their effort and good will, Regarding Lord Peel, it is more difficult to give him thanks since he sits beside me. I thank him, however, in the name of India —if I may do so —and thank him with a grateful heart for his powerful championship of our cause he has indulged in to-day. My heart has been softened by the words he has spoken of our nationality and our religion. I hope e very word of this statement'will go to India, so that my country may not despair that it has no one to support it. When the discussions take place, similarly, I hope the Prime Ministers of the Dominions will allow their good will and proposals to go to my country, for that lam sure will have a very happy result. I have very little more to say. Messages from Princes of India. Now, Prime Minister and friends, it is my pleasurable task to read out a message that I received from my order in India. His Highness the Chancellor of our Chamber, the Maharajah of Bikancr, has conveyed it to me by means of a cablegram. This is the message : —