120

A.—4

3rd Day.} Declaration of London. [1 June, 1911. Sir JOSEPH WARD—c<m*. can be tried by an international court as against a system, which exists at this moment, of your opponent trying his own case, it is a most important advance. As far'as the oversea Dominions and Great Britain are concerned I look upon the whole question as being a matter of the supremacy of the British Navy and this is the crux of the whole position from the point 01 view of both the United Kingdom and the oversea Dominions. The preservation of the sea routes comes right into prominence from the standpoint of protecting our enormous interests What is important to us and to England is that all oversea routes should be fully protected. When I remember that 90 per cent, of the ships carrying foodstuffs to England are British owned and under the Bntish flag, I recogmse, with regard to this question of dealing with our sea routes, how enormously important the maintenance of an Empire Navy is, and how wideWilfrid Laurier-though I know he holds the view pretty strongly-as to the desirability, in the case of treaties, of our not havSg a say where possible where they affect the interests of any one of the oversea Dominions. I realise to the full that to-day without taking part v.the treaties in the event of anything untoward happening to the British Empire t would be vital to the oversea Dominions, and whether they were taking part by way of suggestion or having treaties referred to them which affect the oversea Dominions, I recognise that directly and indirectly they are involved in conSon with the general position of the maintenance of British supremacy It does appear to me that it would have been very much easier from the point of v°ew of the British Government itself, if it had been possible for the proposed rails of Vhis Declaration to have been submitted to the oversea Dominions; and if the oversea Dominions had gone into the matter fully and the opportunity had been given to the whole of the members of the overseas Governments who are entitled to be heard on a matter of this kind to consider these proposals, I believe bn- ago we should have come to the conclusion that the course which has been pursued here is the best in the general interests of the Empire. P Sir Edward Grey's suggestion that for the future, m connection with the Hague Coherence for instance, the opportunity for consideration is to be affo?ded-whkh implies that if an alteration is made in connection with the Declarationof London as we are dealing with it to-day, the opportunity would beAfforded to think would be of material importance to all the Governments "ncluding the British Government, so that we should be able to go into the Ster and excess our opinion in time before the final decision was arrived at Tftillv Xsnise the force of the point put forward by Sir Edward Grey, that as the 7 Sster with the great responsibility upon his shoulders of directing *he foreign affairlof the British Government, he has not always time to confer wTth hf colleagues concerning circumstances which may arise. He has, moreover to accept the responsibility, and the oversea Dominions, even if taken into consutatton with the British Government, could not, during the sitting of a Terence aTwavs have the opportunity of expressing an opinion even on ol"cogence prior totL Secretary for Foreign Affairs deciding what C ° Tir Withregard to the definition of " base." I look upon that as important, and I recXnise iTth Sir Wilfrid Laurier, Mr. Asquith, and the other gentlemen leads to a P ort ; ™f V^V ;: ailwav to the forC es, and used for the preservation itSbe Dr g EINDLAY • I do not know that I can contribute much fresh light