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A.--4.

403. You spoke of the federation of New Zealand with the Pacific islands ; but, supposing the boundaries of the colony were extended under the Colonial Boundaries Act of 1895, would that affect your opinion with regard to the federation of New Zealand ?—I do not think so. 404. Which do you think would be New Zealand to federate, or for a reciprocal treaty in regard to trade and commerce to be established with Australia ?—lf we could establish a reciprocal treaty with Australia, and make it a fixture, it would do away with a portion of my argument in favour of federation; but Ido not think that Australia would enter into such a treaty. 405. Hon. Captain Russell.] You said just now that you were inclined to believe that people had reconsidered their decision with regard to the abolition of the provinces ?—I am quite sure that some of those who favoured the abolition of the provinces have repented of it since. Of course, it is a long time ago, and the new generation are beginning to forget about the provinces; but inconveniences arising out of the abolition of the provinces are felt. I can say that, certainly. 406. Do you not think it possible, were we to federate now, we would regret it hereafter if we abolished this province ?—The whole point is that we do not abolish this province. If it is to result in the abolition of this State, then it would be better not to federate. That is why I say special conditions will have to be established, and carefully guarded, and guaranteed by the Imperial Legislature. 407. Can you give us an illustration of any federation where there is not great friction ? Take the case of Sweden and Norway, Austria and Hungary, the States of Germany, or the States of America : Is there not great friction in all of these cases ? —There is friction ; but take the case of the United States, or the German Empire, the people never admit that the friction is sufficient ground for rescinding the Federal Constitution. I lived in Germany at the time the question of union between the States was a burning question. I lived in Germany in the period intermediate between the two great wars, and I had a pretty good idea of the popular opinion in that country, and I have no reason to suppose it has changed since. I know they dislike the dominance of one Power, of one military State, but, with all their dislike for certain of the conditions appertaining to the Federal Empire, they are practically unanimously in favour of it. 408. Do you imagine that the Federations of Germany and of Austria and Hungary would survive for a quarter of a century were it not for the strong military force on their boundary ?— In Germany it would. I do not know whether it would in Austria, where there are different races. 409. At any rate, your answer will be that in every federated State in the civilised world there is considerable friction?— There is, and they survive that friction. The friction in the United States reached its climax in 1861. I can say that, despite the existence of the friction, arising in some istances from unfair treatment of individual States, the people appear to remain unanimous in favour of retaining the Qnion with all its disadvantages. 410. Mr. LukeJ] Did I understand you to say that under federation we would be better able to enforce judgments in Courts of law ?—I do not think it would make much difference. Take, for instance, the enforcement here of a judgment obtained in Victoria, it is a simple process now. 411. And that process will exist under federation?—lt will be quite as simple. It may be made more simple. 412. But if we do not federate ?—lt will be as simple. 413. Mr. Beauchamp.] With regard to the Native population, I take it that any member of the Native population is eligible for election to the Senate or the House ?—I have assumed that to be so. 414. Mr. Roberts.] You say that friction is general in Federations, but it is not so in the Federation of Switzerland ?—They had religious friction in the Swiss Federation in the past, but it has died out. There, however, it is almost parochial federation. Switzerland is an instance not of the encroachment of Federal power upon the States power, but of the voluntary cession of the power of individual States in order to increase the power of the Federal body. That cession was made in modern times. Sydney Charles Bbown examined. (No. 16.) 415. Hon. the Chairman.] What is your name ?—Sydney Charles Brown. 416. What are you ?—Bootmaker. 417. Do you hold any representative position here ?—I appear here as the representative of the Bootmakers' Union. 418. Do you hold an official position in that union ?—No. 419. Have you considered the question of the federation of New Zealand with the Commonwealth of Australia ?—From a trade standpoint I have. 420. Will you be good enough to give the Commission the benefit of your opinion ?—The first question is that of wages, and the next is the condition under which the factories are worked. The majority of the trade in New Zealand is worked under the piecework system, and that system also prevails to a large extent throughout the whole of the Australian Colonies. Through the Arbitration Act, and with the assistance of the Arbitration Court, piecework prices are pretty well uniform in New Zealand. 421. In your opinion, would it be advantageous for New Zealand to federate ?—I am of opinion it would be against the boot-trade interest to federate. 422. What are you afraid of in the event of federation ?—I am afraid that, owing to the larger centres, manufacturers would be able to concentrate their manufacturing and to more largely utilise machinery, and specialise the class of work they turn out, and this would be to the detriment of New Zealand. Each factory can reduce the number of classes of work to three or four. In New Zealand we cannot do that, because each centre, to a great extent, is dependent for trade on the provincial district in which it is situated. The Sydney and Melbourne manufacturers manufacture for the whole of those colonies, and that gives them a great advantage.