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SITUATION IN INDIA.

FRICTION OF FACTIONS. MOVING ALONG IRISH ROAD. A MISSIONARY VIEW. During the last days of 1929 the eyes of all India were turned to the Punjab, and to Lahore in particular (writes Rev. W. M. Ryburn, M.A., Kharar, Punjab, in the Otago Daily Times). Lahore was the scene of the annual meeting of the Indian National Congress, which is still, in spite of schisms and withdrawals, the premier political organisation of the country. Now that the hectic week of conferences and congresses (there were as many as forty taking place in Lahore during Christmas week) is over, it is interesting to take stock of the political situation. The National Congress. The National Congress is not an official gathering. It was started in 1885, and up till the time of the introduction of the Montague-Chelms-ford reforms developed . steadily. Since that time it has not been so important, but is still more representative than any other political body; and still has a great prestige attached to it. Under the influence of Mahatma Gandhi it lias become extremist, and tlie Liberal or Moderate Pary withdrew from it some time ago. Many of the Mohammedans have also withdrawn from it. The Delegates. In every district in India there is a congress organisation and a congress committee, which sends delegates to the annual meeting of the congress. For example, from our own Ainbala district fourteen representatives are sent —seven from Ainbala City and seven from the rest of the district—that is, from sucli places as Jagadhri and Kharar. Each small town or large village can have its congress committee, which sends representatives to the district committee. The delegates for the annual meeting of the National Congress are elected by the members of the congress organisation in each district. Anyone may stand for election, tile only barrier being that delegates lo the National Congress have to pay their own travelling expenses. Membership of the congress committees and organisations throughout the towns and villages of India is open lo anyone on payment of a very small subscription. 'Flic franchise is thus in ! direct contrast with that for. the official j Legislative Councils, which is confined j lo people of properly and of fairly large income.

During recent years (he congress has been becoming more and more Hindu in character, and this year decided opposition was shown to it by a majority of the Sikhs and Mohammedans of the Punjab. This was certain to be Lhe case when the congress was being held in a province where communal feeling is fairly strong, and where Hindus are in a minority. Dominion Status. Great interest was centred in the decisions of congress this year, as the advent of the Labour Government in England has changed the whole atmosphere of Indian politics for the better. .The recent announcement of the Viceroy, making clear that the British Government had tlie establishment of a dominion status in India as soon as possible as a definite and clear aim, put an end to a great deal of uncertainty that was creating mistrust. Then the decision of the new Secretary of State for India to convene a round-table conference, where ail shades of Indian opinion would be represented, which would discuss the report of the Simon Commission and submit proposals to the British Parliament, had gone a long way to reconcile political India. It was hoped that all parties and political organisations would accept tlie invitation to this round-table conference. That hope has been destroyed. The Indian National Congress, under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, has refused to have any part in that conference. Independence Movement. At the meeting of the congress last year it was decided that if dominion status was not granted during 1929 then the congress would adopt complete independence as its aim. Dominion status has not been granted. Official wheels move much too slowly for the enthusiastic and impatient nationalist. Neither could the Viceroy promise that it would be granted as a result of the Simon Commission, and that the round-table conference would merely discuss how to bring it into force. If he could have promised this Mr Gandhi would have held his hand. As it is, the congress has passed, by a large majority, a resolution declaring "independence" to he the object of all future political effort. This large majority, however, consisted mainly of young men, who were naturally carried off their feet, by the Mahatma’s personality and by the enthusiasm of youth for strong measures. The majority of the leaders were" not in favour of taking such an extreme step yet, and wished to be represented at lhe round-table conference. Gandhi and the Extremists. As a matter of fact, the congress is a house divided against itself twice over. There are a large minority who form a party of violence, and who oppose Mahatma Gandhi, not on the point of aim, but on the point of method. Gandhi, as ever, pins his faith to non-violence and soul-force. The minority believe in the use of force, and with some cogency point out that no country has ever won its freedom except by the use of force. They have formed themselves into a party within the congress, called the Congress Democratic Party, with the object of “gingering up” the congress leader, Mr Gandhi. During the course of the recent congress Mr Gandhi was described by members of this party as a “cowardly moderate." Mr Gandhi as a moderate is something new in Indian politics, and that there are those who are more extreme than he is is not without its significance. India is slowly but steadily moving along the Irish road. Why Not Independence? Gandhi himself sees this danger of violence. lie says that lie hopes to stem it by launching a campaign of non-violent non-co-operation, while at the same time lie admits that civil dis- j obedience is quite likely to result in violent outbreaks. Logic lias never been Mr Gandhi’s strong point, and it { is difficult to sec how lie can disclaim j responsibility (as lie does in advance) I for any violence which may result I

from his policy. At present he has not sanctioned a full campaign of non-co-operation, but has ordered a boycott of the Legislative Councils only. With regard to the claim for independence, he writes as follows in this week’s issue of his paper, “Young India”; — “But what is there intrinsically wrong in wanting independence? It is not possible for me to understand this opposition from sober Englishmen to lhe enunciation of an inalienable right of every nation to be' independent, except on the supposition that they, the sober Englishmen, do not want India to be free. ‘But you are not fit for independence,’ say some. ‘Surely it is for us to judge whether we are fit or not. And granting that we are not, there is nothing wrong or immoral in our aspiring after independence and in tlie attempt rendering ourselves fitter day by day. We shall never be fit by being taught to feel helpless and to rely on the British bayonet to keep us from fighting among ourselves or from being devoured by our neighbours. If we have to go through the agonies of a civil war or a foreign invasion, it won’t be a new thing in the history of nations that have struggled for freedom. England has gone through both experiences. After all, freedom is not a hothouse growth.” The Home Rule Party. At the same time there .is a group in the congress that docs agree with all this. They do not wish to boycott the Legislative Councils, and they will be content wiLb Home Rule. The con-

gress is therefore torn within itself. It had the opportunity this year to take the lead in a great nation-wide movement for Home Rule, which would have united all parties in India. It has chosen rather to commit suicide. There seems to be no doubt that Mahatma Gandhi Jias made a false step and has imperilled the success of the endeavours of the present British Government to bring about a happy settlement. In Gandhi the Indian Nationalist movement has its Mazzini. Its Cavour lias yet lo appear. Out of this welter of destructive politics, however, there is emerging a party with the constructive aim of uniting all who believe in the possibility of attaining Home Rule in the near future. This party includes most of the prominent Hindus, and in all probability many of the outstanding Muslims will also join it, The “Dominion Status” element of the congress will naturally be drawn to this partv, and its backbone will be formed by the Liberals. If this party can show a united front and make a united demand it is possible that many of the aspirations of Indian Nationalists may be fulfilled before the end of the year.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/WT19300326.2.126

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Waikato Times, Volume 107, Issue 17979, 26 March 1930, Page 14

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,480

SITUATION IN INDIA. Waikato Times, Volume 107, Issue 17979, 26 March 1930, Page 14

SITUATION IN INDIA. Waikato Times, Volume 107, Issue 17979, 26 March 1930, Page 14

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