THE QUEENSLAND LABOUR TRADE.

Waikato Times, Volume XXXIX, Issue 3130, 6 August 1892, Page 3

THE QUEENSLAND LABOUR TRADE.

SoMK time ago we published a letter writteu by Sir 3. Griffiths, the Chief Secretary for Queensland to the New South Wales Labour Association, in ■which he gave some sound reasons in support of the introduction of coloured labour in the former colony. The following is an extract from a letter written by Sir H. Parkes in the Sydney Dailj' Telegraph, and which bears upon the other side of the question. In controversies of this kind tho old adage that circumstances alter cases is forcibly brought to mind. The urgent necessity, for suitable labour to carry on their sugar industry, is, no doubt obvious enough to Queens land, but is apparently not so clear to residents in the other colonies, to whom the success or otherwise of the Queensland sugar trade is a matter of very slight concern. In questions of this kind any of the colonies might safely be allowed to conduct their own business particularly when it is placed under such rigid restrictions as those that are to be thrown round the introduction of coloured labour. SlB, —It is a startling commentary on the high-flown boasts of Australian de mocracy that at this moment a proposal is submitted for a conference of these colonies to consider the question of introducing into Australia inferior and unprivileged races of men. The Parliaments of two of the colonies, it is recorded, have already given their sanction to the dark irruption. And great'" interests are at stake which cannot be conserved without cheap and submissive labour., What does all this mean ? Consider it in whatever light you will, it means something to be done which the free men of our own race are not competent to do. It means some necessity, real or imaginary, which can only be met by the service of aliens who cannot be admitted to our franchises, who are ignorant of our conditions of life, and whose bone and muscle can be obtained on a low commercial scale. Does it then, mean slavery ? Let us see. There are other slaves besides tho human creatures who are stolen from their native soil and sold in a foreign market to the highest bidder. Slavery itself may be a slavery of degree. There may be an absolute slavery ; there may be a mitigated slavery. But slavery in any form has no natural place in the life of a free people. The only foundation and the only security for the freedom of a people is political equality. The concession to popular feeling which has been so widely made that the new trallic shall be hedged round by special precautions and safeguards concedes too much. Special precautions and safeguards are incompatible with the equal rights of free men. But however well designed this exceptional code of regulations may be, who is to ensure its beneficent enforcement ? There must be functionaries of som6 sort in the place of the man-stealer, the man-seller, and the man-driver oi the old system with the ugly name. No one will pretend that the"best anil most tender-hearted of men will volunteer for these unenviable p'sts. bet us suppose a labour ship—l will not say a slave ship—at one of the islands ; there is no electric telegraph, no press, no judicial cou/t, 110 constable, no pulpit or platform orator to overlook or pry into the ship's doings ; and do we not know that the labour agent's sense of right and duty will largely depend upon temperament, disposition, and bias of feelinc. But the cause is half abandoned which pleads for tolerance through this litany of pretences.