The Waikato Time AND THAMES VALLEY GAZETTE. SATURDAY, APRIL 2, 1892.

Waikato Times, Volume XXXVIII, Issue 3076, 2 April 1892, Page 2

The Waikato Time AND THAMES VALLEY GAZETTE.

SATURDAY, APRIL 2, 1892.

Equal and cxact justice to all men. Of whatsoever state or persuasion, religious or political.

As was a foregone conclusion, the Behring Sea trouble is ended without war. The eagle, has again become a reasonable bird, and ceased to flap its wings in the inane manner which of late has made it an object of derision and contempt to the whole civilised world. We should be sorry, indeed, to believe that those who directed the flapping represented the feelings and opinions of the thinking portion of the population of the Great Republic. Oil the contrary, the fact is that they were tired of the silliness, and the silliness has in consequence ceased. The most important outcome of the affair is indicated by the cablegram, " The ' Times ' thinks disputes similar to the Behring Sea embroglio will compel England to discuss the relations between the autonomous

colonies and the British taxpayers. Aside altogether from the case in question—in fact years before it arose—the necessity for some alteration dawned upon the minds of many English and colonial statesmen, and belief in the necessity has become stronger as time has lapsed. Thence the federation movement with its varying aspects. The two points which the recent case emphasises have had the consideration of the most able men in both hemisphere?, but as yet none have found a practicable remedy for the difficulty. They are the absence of a voice by the colonies in the foreign policy of the Empire,although liable to suffer the pains and penalties of war should that policy involve the Empire in a struggle with a single nation or a combination of great powers. On the other hand, should England become involved in war, consequent on defending the individual rights of a colony which may be of little moment to the rest of the Empire, the whole cost of that war would fall upon the British taxpayers resident in the United Kingdom. It is this latter fact which no doubt rtio " Times"

alludes to. It is quite within the range of possibility, if not probability, that the Government of one of the autonomous colonies might

involve the Empire in a difficulty , which could only be solved by resort : to arms. It is true that the Governor is a check against any euch overt ; net ; in fact is appointed by the Queen to guard against the danger— at least this is one of his principal functions. In the face of these facts, it ia an enigma how any man, with the experience and knowledgo of Sir George Grey, can preach the doctrine of self-electivo Governors, unless it be that he is covertly a-orkin" to bring about the disruption of the Empire. This, however, is a digression, but one clearly incidental to the consideration of the question. The position is this, put in a few words. The Imperial Government is liable to be involved in war in defence of any one of the colonies, and would have to bear the cost. The colonies are liable to suffer by a war Wrought about by a dispute in which they had no immediate interest. They would not, however, be called upon to tax themselves for general purposes, but solely for their own defence, in the event of any of the enemy's cruisers escaping the vigilance of the Imperial fleet. Surely it ia somewhat of an off-set to this, that if, as was the case with Canada, a powerful nation trampled upon their rights, the force of the nation would be used for their defence. There is clearly only one equitable solution to the difficulty. The colonies must be granted a voice in the foreign policy of the Empire, and in return they must be prepared to contribute, in proportion to population, to the cost of the forces necessary to defend the whole Empire. We believe that if a possible and adequate scheme of representation could be formulated, that the colonies would cheerfully perform their part of the arrangement. It is the representation difficulty which stands in the way. It appears to us that there is only one solution, and that is the establishment of an Imperial Council or Parliament — Imperial in the fullest sense. This body should control the foreign policy of the Empire. This would involve the absolute carrying out of

the principle of Home Rule. Let the present Parliament manage the affairs of the United Kingdom, and each of the offshoots of the Empire retain the same power as at present. We qnite appreciate the great difficulty there would he to induce the people of the United Kingdom to forego their right of absolute power to direct the policy of the Empire. They would not, however, be asked to do so without adequate compensation, in the form of relief from the taxation they bear now for th&ir own defence and tliat of ';he colonies. These, under the new arrangement, would contribute their fair quota. It is clearly a case of sentiment agains'. material advantages. As matters stand at present there is danger that disruption may be brought about by the rebellion of the people of the United Kingdom against being taxed for a war in colonial interests. There is also danger that an Imperial war would cause the colonies to relieve themselves from consequent liability by declaring themselves independent States. The Behring Sea case, however, should be a warning to them not to adopt any such suicidal course. There can be no question that Canada would have received very scant justice at the hands of her ponderous neighbour had she not had the diplomatic ability and force of the Empire at her back,