The Waikato Times AND THAMES VALLEY GAZETTE. THURSDAY, JANUARY 7, 1892.

Waikato Times, Volume XXXVIII, Issue 3039, 7 January 1892, Page 2

The Waikato Times AND THAMES VALLEY GAZETTE.

THURSDAY, JANUARY 7, 1892.

Equal anil enact justice to all men, Of whatsoever state or persuasion, religiouj or political.

Tiikke is probably no man in the United Kingdom whose opinions on tho labour question an; more entitled to consideration than those of Sir Lyon Playfair. On the; 12th November last he gave an address to his constituents in Leeds, and confined himself entirely to the labour question. With a Ministry in power mainly backed by the representatives of the labouring classes it is essential that the opinions of eminent men should be hefore the public. We propose, then-fore, to give a digest of the salient points in tho speech. In introducing the subject he complimented the workingmen on the admirable discussions at the Congress of Trades Unions at Newcastle. The working-men, he says, felt strongly and represented tacts truly and as straight as they knew thorn. He would not discuss tho extreme views of Socialists as they have no interest for tho skilled working men. No social reforms will be permanent or stand on a sound basis unless they are just, useful, and preserve individual liberty. In laying down the conditions for good wages h« pointedoutthat wajres had increased largely under machine productions. Improved methods of production and distribution had opened the markets of the world. Products have lessened in price, and cheapness creates new demands, under which, tho rato of wages always rises. Combination of workmen had often quickened the rise. Wao"os as a rule are paid out of the products, but as tho selling value depends upon these factors, the practical sources of wages may bo said to be—(l) from tho profits of capital; (2) from tho consumers; (3) from increased production, either by better methods, or of increased efficiency of workingmen in applying those methods. There is a tendency in workingmen to over-value the tirst two sources and depreciate the last. The interests of capital and labour are identical : if they are not, it is because each tries to get a greater aharo than is just to the other. The profits of capital are not the chief sources of wages, because those profits are going down, and it is to the interest of all that they should be sufficient to prevp.nt the migration of capital or i'-s use outside productive industries. The system of taxation in the United Sta'es gives data by which the profits of capital can be estimated. As the protective system is in the interests of employers, not of the employed, high profits from capital might be expected. The State Bureau of Labour in Connecticut found that the average profits of capital were between six and seven per cent. In Massachutts, an old manufacturing state, they are given as a little under five per cent, this includes the 92J- per cent, of industries making profits, as well as the seven and a-half which paid nothing. When trade rises the employer for a short time can increase his profits more rapidly than he is disposed to share with his workmen, then the Union can intervene with advantage. The selling price of the commodity is the governing wheel of trade, and it is the interest of capital and labour to see that it works without fricton. In reference to tho eight hours limit. Workmen cannot succeed in making an employer pay a ten hours' wage for eight hours' work. He would select the men who could do the old ten hours' work in eight hours, and would weed out the idle and incapable. The whole force of the State could not prevent this result, unless injustice and violence were used. When the Australians won their eight hours, wages in the various trades fell; but the unions enforced daily faithfulness in increased work, and the wages soon rose to their former amount. The State, no doubt, could enforce an eight-hours' labour day, but no State could regulate the wages. These depend upon economical causes, which no Government call control. The. diligent must make the idle work in order to insure a shorter day without a fall of wages. They can do so, and ought \o do so. In America many States have an eight-hours' labour day, but they have generally been inoperative as to wages. A lower wage is given, but the men work two hours overtime at the same rate, and so defeat the law. Congress passed Acts in 1869 and 1872 that all Government establishments should pay a full day's wages for eight hours. This was found to be an unfair competition with trade, and the Court held the statutes to be illegal, so that the chief effect was to reduce the wages of Government 20 per cent., though in many cases the workmen won back their old wages by increased activity. It may be asked: Why is the law not amended by making overtime illegal? That could be done as regards time, but no legislative force can overcome the economic laws upon which the profits of capital ' «itid labour depend without destruc- „•„„ tho community- If short f !on t0 * -*•. products, they hours mean shoi. v -* ataall promean also short wages aiiv. •-:«„ tits. But they do not necessau v mean this if workmen can increase their productivity. State interference with working men in regard to the free use of their own time and the earning of their own wages, will result in much harm to them. Working men through their unions may limit tho day's work and ob« tain tho best wages, but State interference for the same object would bo wholly prejudicial. What is tho Stato 'i In the simplest expression it is an assemblage of men and women who can tako care of themselves ; it should always bo a nom,rnoT> T **'?.')!tf>, What y; •<, tvsfe

union? It is an assemblage of working muu in a. particular trade i'or tho purposo of taking care of their own interests. Tho objects of the State and trade unions are similar in kind. Tho Stato looks after the interest of all of ns: trade unions look after the interests of some of us, but the interest of all of all of us arc not necessarily or usually the interests of some of us. It is true that a general law for a labour-day would convert the interests of some of us into those of many of us. But the residue of consumers are quite as important in trade as the producers, and their interests must be consulted. It becomes a very serious question when the State is called to intervene betweeu masters and men in the freedom of contract. The happiness, morality and thrift of a community are the result of all its members individually and not in the aggregate. It is not a theory but a law of economics, surely established, that decline and degradation follow the loss of self-activity. There are some men capable of better work than others, but the prosperity of all depends upon the labour of each being as good as ho can perform it. There is danger of this being forgotten. In fact, the agitation that the State should do things which can only be done by individuals shows that individualism is becoming weaker. It is not possible or right that the State should do for the idle and incapable what they will not or cannot do for themselves.