The Waikato Times AND THAMES VALLEY GAZETTE. Equal and exact justice, to all men. Of whatsoever slate or persuasion, religious or political. TUESDAY, NOV. 10, 1891.

Waikato Times, Volume XXXVII, Issue 3015, 10 November 1891, Page 2

The Waikato Times AND THAMES VALLEY GAZETTE. Equal and exact justice, to all men. Of whatsoever slate or persuasion, religious or political. TUESDAY, NOV. 10, 1891.

Till-: spent-lies at tho banquet to Mr T. McKenzio, at Rnlclutha, were, owin;; to the very late hour to winch tlie proceedings extended, only very briefly telegraphed to this end of the colony. The Southern papers are now to hand with n full report. We commend them to the attention of the National Association with a view to their being printed and circulated liberally throughout tho colony. They were delivered with the object of educating the people as to the existing political position, the probable effect of the policy of the Ministry, the absurdity of some of their proposals, and the iniquity of others. We have pursued the same course in the columns of this journal, and our arguments, used from time to time, are nearly identical with those urged by the leaders of the Opposition, or Constitutional party. It is, therefore, hardly necessary for us to paraphrase the speeches; but there are some points inado by Mr Bolleston which call for notice. In the course of his speech he said, speaking of the Ballance party : "What right have the present Government party to arrogate to themselves the title of Liberals? I venture to think that the name of Liberalism, if the Government have rope enough, will stink in the nostrils of all true Liberals, as it does in mine. What have the Government done to earn the title of Liberals 1 Have they done anything, as they would fain have the country believe, to promote the interests of the industrial classes? Ido not think so. I think the general opinion of men who travel over the country is that there is a feeling of insecurity—a feeling of distrust throughout the colony, which does not speak at all in favour of the present Ministry. Mr Ballance said recently that he did not like the term ' Labour Members,' because he preferred to class all who accepted the Government programme as Liberals; that it was a wider term, and expressed the distinction between the parties—the party of progress and the party of resistance. This seems to me to be a peculiar attempt to defin6 the distinction between what is Liberal and what is the contrary, If he has nothing better to say as to what Liberalism is—that the followers of the Government are to be branded with I B,' and, therefore, to be considered Liberals and to have the support of the country—l think this a very poor definition of Liberalism. What the Government has done for the industrial classes is evidenced by the way in which the unemployed are multiplying upon us. There is at the present time a withdrawal of capital for the employment of labour; the result is that the Government are having the unemployed thrown on their hands to a degree which has been unknown for years past." Mr Rolleston's facts are irrefutable, and his deductions logical. There is a danger that the good old term Liberal is calculated, from historical associations, to mislead the industrial classes. Home Liberalism has broken down the privileges of the classes and placed power in the hands of the industrial population, with the result that many of the burdens under which they have struggled for ages have been lightened. The Liberalism of Mr Ballance and his followers, as Mr Rolleston pointed out, has not only not improved their position, but has actually, by destroying the confidence of capital, made their position worse than it was before. Employment is now difficult to procure, as is evidenced by the exodus, which in place of being checked has been accelerated, and the increase in the number of the unemployed clamouring for work. This, however, may to some extent be accounted for by the fact that several of the Ministers have subscribed to the doctrine put forth by the Dunedin Association, that it is the duty of the Government to find employment for every man who asks it at their hands. This means, if it means anything, that the enterprising, hard-working, and frugal are bound to keep in comfort those who prefer '■ Government stroke," to an actire struggle for their own advancement and welfare. But these men have votes, and must, therefore, be catered for by a quasiLiberal Government. The unjust and unconstitutional attack already made on property, and the still more gross proceedings promised, have lessened the confidence of capital, which is labour's ally, and both are suffering. The former will terminate the treaty by converting itself into a bank draft, payable in another country, and labour will be left lamenting behind, to follow if able. The great majority of those whom Mr Rolleston suggests that the Premier should brand with his initials belong to the industrial classes. As they will be the greatest sufferers, it is for them to withdraw their support from a party which is inimical to their interests. So long as they listen to the exponents of legislative fads there is danger that much suffering may result from the state of uncertainty as to the future, which is already, in spite of the increased volume and value of our surplus productions, retarding the progress of the country. The industrial classes may rely upon it that barefaced robbery of one class will not benefit another. This is what land nationalisation means, and the first stage of the road to this end has been travelled by Parliament.