OUR SYDNEY LETTER.

Waikato Times, Volume XXXVII, Issue 2980, 20 August 1891, Page 4

OUR SYDNEY LETTER.

[kkom ouu own , coivßkspo>jdent. 1

Sydxkv, July 21. Political interests once morcdominata all others. We are in the throes of a political crisis, Mr Dibb3 having once more moved a resolution of censure. " To the victors belong the spoils," says Mr Dibbs, and as some 75 Protectionists came hack to the ;\ssembly from the country against 06 Freetraders, iie not unnaturally thinks (as he has, in fact, thought for many lon« and weary years) that it is about time his side had an innings. Unfortunately for his anticipations, those of the so>called Protectionists who have espoused the platform of tho Labour Klectoral Leagues care little about Protection or Freotra.le, and itill less about Mr G. K. Dibbs. They are inclined, if anything, to resent this transparent attempt to split up their solid political phalanx before it has had time to strike a blow, and they do not care to stop their triumphant march for a month or more whilst Mr Dibbs collects a Ministry and concocts a policy. They put themselves up for auction, nietaphoripally speaking, and the party in possession of the Government benches has bid so high for them that they see clearly that their best policy is to close at once. Accordingly on Thursday night, Mr Black, speaking on hehalf of his party, aunounced that they would oppose Mr Dibbs' motion—a decision which virtually gives the victory to the Government. Then came a transformation with a vengeance. The Protectionists, who had been vyiug with one another in fawning and fulsome adulation of the Labour party as long as they had any hopes of " nobbling," threw off the mask and fell a-scoldiug like so many fish hags. Every Labour candidate who had taken up the popular cry, ia order to support Dihba or vent a grudge upon Parkes, joined in the cry ; hut those of the Labour party who wish to see some practical stops made towards the realisation of their platform, And who do not wish to be made the pliant tools of political greed or shortsighted malice, recognise that the wisest course has been adopted. At the same time tiiere ha 3 been a terrible 3torm in a teacup. Numbers of people whose political creed begins : " I hate Sir Henry Parkes," imagined that all the plnnlce in the political platform were so nuich verbiage which wore really intended to cover the political assassination of their pot aversion and all his following. Shrill and loud have been the expressions of rags ami disappointment. I'ivon that thrice-duad " patriot," A. (i. Taylor, has buuti resurrected to fiilininat.n .ijrnimt , . a party which dared to foliow the (Hutat.es of common-sonse when it uiiyht have indulged a cheap nml short-sighted revenge. After thn manner of his kind he rubs in the " Gatling Him '" incident in connection with the Newcastle strike, apparently forgetting that whatever bhmc ther<; may be in connection with that episode belongs to those 'oso violent and lawless intimidation i»l their fi'llow-workers rendered it necessary. But other people do not forget it. Neither, when it comes to a question between DUilm and Parltni, do thoy forget, what is after all tho cream of the joke,

that Mr Dihbs, in his place in Parliament, sanctioned the action which was then taken. Indeed, one of the members for Newcastle declare that Mr Dibbs found fault with the Government because the guns were not, sent sooner. If the Catling gun incident supplies auy valid reason 3 at all, they would therefore appear to be in favour of voting for the Ministry. I wrote a week or two ago that the chief dillicuUies of the labour members would come from their own supporters. Already this is proving to be tho case. If ever an honest, disinterested decision was come to by any body of men, it was that by which the Lihour party resolved to support the present Government in order to sneuro electoral reform. But for coming to this decision they havo been subjected to slanderous abuse and misrepresentation by the most violent and ignorant of their supporters. As their organisation is such that those who are the most dexterous in appealing to passion and prejudice carry the most sway, it is easy to see how insecure is their position and how dangerous any attempt to exercise their own common sense. Already they are beginning to realise that a delegate cannot do justice, even to his constituents, because he has to act with a rope round his neck. Whether in this instance tho rope will be pulled or not, it is impossible to say. But already very strenuous efforts arc being made to pull it, and whether they will succeed or not remains to be eeen. The result of the division will be known before this letter appears in print. At present, as much perhaps to their own surprise as to that of any one else, the Government have a very good chance of surviving the Address-in-Reply, and Mr Dibbs has an equally good show of continuing to provide a representation of a 19th century Tantalus. Political matters are complicated to some extent by the shearing troubles which have occurred at Bourke. The pastoralists engaged a large number of free labourers to do their work, and the unionists, when the men arrived, endeavoured to persuade them to break their agreements, and cast in their lot with the unionists. As usuil, persuasion to do an immoral and unlawful act soon resolved itself into lawless action. At Bourke and at Dunlop the men were withstood bv force, and in the latter case were compelled to leave their work and join the unionist camp. Of course, conduct of this kind can have but one ending. Labour party or no labour party, all classes alike must be protected in the exercise of fcheir lawful liberties, and must be restrained from unlawful action. Only by unswerving firmness in the maintenance of this axiomatic principle of just government can we maintain our rank as a civilised community. Ho far as the position itself is concerned, it is revolving itself into a curious four-handed struggle. There is a good deal of friction between the associated pastoralists and those who decline to join the association, though they have not yet descended so far as to call one another'" scabs "or " blacklegs." These form two parties to the dispute. The other two are the unionist and non--11 noniats station hands, who, for the time being, seem to have forgotten that they are made of the same flesh and blood. The course of events is driving the non-associated employers into the arms of the unionist workers on the one hand and the associated employers into those of the non-unioni3t workers on the other. A comparatively small adjustment of numbers would enable a rough-and-ready settlement to be arrived at on these lines, and, if tho unionists really hate the non-unionists so poisonously as to utterly refuse to work with them, such a solution might prove to be best for all parties. Freedom of contract continues to be the bugbear which prevents negotiations. In order to evade the odium which naturally attaches to a party who seek to destroy one of the most cherished rights of 1 free born Briton, the union leaders aver that there is no such thing as absolute freedom of contract, hut that the freedom of the individual is necessarily hedged about with all kinds of restrict ions. This is true, but it is also true that in civilised countries these restrictions nr« imposed by low, enacted in a constitutional manner, not by the fiat of irresponsible bodies of men calling themselves unions. To allow an}' class to dictate restrictions to freedom of contract would be to enter upon a reign of anarchy—the triumph of intimidation, conspiracy and brute force. One of the most practical suggestions that I have seen has come from the La-, hour party. It is to the effect that the form of agreement to be used at shearing should be laid down by law. The law is bound to protect the rights of nonUuionists as well as Uniouists, and such an agreement would necessarily embody some attempt at equity. The chief ground of complaint of the Unionists against the non-Unionists is that the latter obtain without payment all the benefits which the latter havo struggled for. At the same time it is obvious that no selNrespecting man could be compelled, or indeed expected, to become a member of organisations which have shown thenuelves capable of such violence and folly. No one can become a member of such bodies without being compelled to become a partner in their misdeeds. But without making himself over body and soul to a Union, an honest man who believed that the Union, with all its errors was doiug good work in raising the status of his occupation might fairly be expected to contribute something towards its funds. But this of course can never be the case so long as he is treated as an outcast and Pariah—a "scab,"or "blackleg." A great capture of Chinese gamblers was made the other day in Lower Georgestreet, and with the Chinese were included a numbnr of Europeans and Australians. The latter, though they won't work with Chinamen have no objection apparently to play with thorn. The proceedings were conducted very secretly and for a, long time, although notorious, had defied the efforts of the police, players and spectators being admitted only through fa number of doors and after careful scrutiny. However, two policemen in plain clothes got admission, and at a given signal, when the game was in full swing, an overwhelming force of their comrades rushed the building, broke clown all obstructions with crow-bars, and in spite of their frantic efforts to escape arrested the whole company and inarched them off to durance vile. Next morning they were fined in various amounts. Now that the police are beginning to wake up to the existence of these gam bling dens and to devise effective measures to cope with them, perhaps the Poarmaster-General will begin to take cognisance of the "sweeps" for which his Department furnishes the most important part of the machinery. These are as great a scandal as the fantan shops and should be stopped.