THE COMING METEMSYOHOSIS.

Waikato Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 2695, 19 October 1889, Page 6 (Supplement)

THE COMING METEMSYOHOSIS.

Political economy says, "It is the interest of a nation to do so and so." This may do for by-gone decades, but political economy must now say " It is the interest of the world to do so and so." The time has come when the interest of a single nation—it would be more correct to say the apparent interests—when carried on by policy of a too selfish nature only, redound to its own particular disadvantages, and to the world generally, for no individual, no nationality or the world can do a wrong without its diro effects bo eventually diffused through humanity. By the same theory of induction tho perpetuation of good will havo a reverse eifeot. The interests of nations are now being so interwoven with each othor that no nation can afford to do a wrong. Science is doing more than any known principlo to make the universal brotherhood of man a thing of praticability. The policy of free trade is tho natural state. Protection is merely a species of commercial warfare between nation and nation. A nation may be driven from its natural state of peace to one of war, commercially or physically, nevertheless the great body of humanity regret the necessity. Natural commerce is tho interchange of that which can bo produced most easily in another, but unfortunately the struggle for existence has driven commerce from its natural channel to one unnatural in character. Tho exigence of the commercial policy of nations more or less just or unjast, have induced protection with apparent moro or loss success, but this does not provo that tho principle is correct, reaction often takes place with most disastrous results. New Zealand should never lose sight of their general principles or the necessity to encourage colonial manufactures. Great Britain is at present mistress of the sea, but her position is not viewed without envy by other nations, it is far more than probable that in any general war which may take place, it may possibly lead to a great coalition, to wrest from her tho monopoly of the carrying trade, the question of whether it would be for the permanent good of humanity, to do so is not likely to be studied. At the same time too narrow a view of this question vit il in importance as it may seem, must be guardel against, yet undoubted misery and inconvenience must result although more or less temporary from any interference with Australasian commerce. The hope in many that a grand confederation of the Anglo-Saxon race would be a means of reducing any danger of this description to a minimum leads to the inference that in such a confederation the Australasian colonies would be greatly benefited. The great problem of the relation between capitalandlabour is daily coming nearer for our political consideration ; the more or less probability of ameleorating the position of the many by attractions of the system of land tenure. Co-operation and greater and general diffusion of the benefits conferred upon humanity by the enormous improvements in modes of production by machinery, which is, in all probability, to be supplemented by still greater application of power, through electricity. Our rapid communications with old world productions make the social problem an Australasian, and therefore a New Zealand question of political economy and national policy; therefore it behoves every man to use any intellect he may possess to give this question his thought. The great body of humanity we are assured by some reasoned, are, to an alarming extent, getting to bo wrotchedly poor in v;ist. dis-propnr-tion, both in numbers and coutrast with the rich ; if true it can only lead to disastrous results, and gives rise to tho natural tliought that it should bo within tho power of wise legislation to secure to the many some equivalent in proportion to tho facility of production ; in othor words, if tho power of production has improved so vastly in proportion to the increaso of population, the benefits of this increased production should be moro equally dif-fu-ed. This, we are assured, is not tho oase. We are told that vast numbers are employed in tho world for a mere pittanco sufficient to keep body and soul together, aud that what are called " periodical gluts" in the market take place from over-production by this great and improved power, which, in many instances, may, from this cause, suddenly s'op, and the human machine be left to shift for itself till the "periodical glut" is overtopped by tho world's consumption. Some reason that in New Zealand wo are not materially affected thereby, but rapid communication and observance of our national estate will speedily throw us into conflicts with the world's market. iVt) are already compelled by our exigencies of commerce to competition which has proved itself very hot aud firm. Our great productive powers, both mineral, agricultural and pastoral, havo not sufficed to ward off a lonur depression from which a variety of circumstances havo rescued us. It is passed— at least by our agricultural and pastoral part, of tho community—only temporarily. It is said by some that our past and future accumulations have been by far too much wasted and anticipated by public works, and that has beeu the cause of the depression. This may be true to some extent, but wo havo a tangible property to represent part of our expenditure, and tho residue, even if it is as said wasted, should not be sufficient to causo any very lengthened depressions; the cause must be sought elsewhere. How many colonists, who, if it were even possible, would agree to sink all our public works, railways, telegraphs, etc., etc., and return to the',old regime of coaches, river communication, etc. We could not compete with the world's markets, with any hope of success. Rapid and facile communications is daily becoming of vital importance to the colonies, as the battle of commerce obtains greater fierceness and heat, in competition, which will to all appearance, increase in a still greater ratio, unless the great social problem is solved, "that of opening the great worlds market to its natural limits," which are simply that humanity shall be by wise legislation, enabled to participate in the enlarged power of production by machinery to an equitable extent. It is within the power of the observation of any community, to what a great extent to local depression may be caused by the spending powers of the people being only to a limited extent restrained from dearth of employment, or any cause whatever. It may be inferred by this to what a great extent commerce would be expanded if the whole of humanity were enabled by some change in social rotation to obtain their natural share of the increased productions of machinery, and the state of things brought about by wise legislation, without entirely restricting the undoubted right of the individual who by talent, thrift or industry, may be enabled to accumulate if he so wished. The great world's market is closed. To a vast extent the moiety of humanity suffers a cruel restriction. A few decades since it was found necessary to open fresh and distant markets from centres of production. Facility of communication has done this. Some other source of consumption has, it is thought, to be discovered—that source of consumption is human kind generally. The social condition of the masses should be varied ; it should be placed within the power of every individual, man, wo.nau and child, to partake of those everincreasing powers of production emanating through science from a beneficent Creator, and wise legislation will see that this is done, or humanity will right itsalf. Local or national polity sinks into insignificence before this great problem ; it can, and should be done, and at the same time protect the individual. The interests of capital and labour are one, and inseparable. The theory that all wealth comes from the land is, to a great extent, right, but this wealth is supplemented incalculably by the aid of science through machinery. T(ie creed of political economists, whose

axioms are so oft quoted, must bear I some different interpretation to that < hitherto, and must be studied on a 1 broader basis. It has long been 1 admitted that the permanent benefit of a ' trades union is crippled from its great want of internationality, this reasoning holds good inasmuch as that old scheme, for social improvement must be of an international character, any undue interference with the social nations, and forcing up wages locally, must necessarily have a corresponding influence upon the great law of supply and demand, and if simply local, or even national in character eventually prove a great detriment to the commorce of that nation. It is from this cause that any strike meets with any very groat advantage to the working community, it is obvious, to be of permanent benefit, the general improvement must bo international, and therefore, universal. The fallacy of raising the social conditions of any one person was fully exploded by tho French revolution a century ago, their futile attempt to prooagate their thrones by the sword, only ended in their being subjected to an iron despotism, and devoted thousands of good and true men to martyrdom almost useless, and with the result that for long the conviction was pointed at by tho lovers of despotism with the finger of scorn, and held up as a signal lesson and warning by all lovers of law, order and security to individual accumulation. It was not till years after it was understood that those martyrs did not die in vain, and that they were not all bad men, however their means of carrying out their principles might be deprecated. It led to the education and extended franchise of tho people. The conditions are now changed, tho social relations of mankind are more complicated ; then it was a revolution to remove a privileged class of aristocracy, now it must bo to remove the unduo monopolization of tho powers of production through science a.id secure the more general diffusion of its benefits among the masses. This is tho social problem, the ownership of land, the incidenco of taxation, and other national polity become subservient. It is the paramount duty of all governments, if they exist as they should do, for the good of the many, to keep these problems in view, and while not forgetting their natural policy, be always ready. All nations have their peculiar socialistic views, happy the Government whose institutions are free, and are in a condition to move with public opinion, and thereby protect all classes. Much of the visionary may have to be suppressed, but by giving these proper vent, they may burst like bubbles of themselves, but that the various people_ will sooner or later coalese.and humanity insist upon its rights, is only a matter of time, the great metensychosis will be eventually a benefit to every individual, and every nation, it cannot be th 1 wish of the many, that misery should exist in such an extensive form as it does where science aided by machinery in its vast productions can supply all, and to spare, the necessary oomforts of life. The present policy of New Zealand should be to place its settlers in tho best private posii tion to augment iis export trado. Many { sadly comment upon the fact that the j cost of freight to a seaport cripples proI dnction, and the greater distance from ; port tho less the possibility of produc- | tion with any hope of return. The rail- ! way should be used more as a means of ' settlement of the land than as a source of 1 revenue, for upon tho augmentation of 1 our export trado rests our great hope of ■ extinguishing our national debt, or, at. ' least, paying the interest. Droughts in Australia happily do not come every year to enhance the price of our products, our great market is tho world. By facility and rapid communication we are brought into conflict with the low-priced ! labour of Europe, and other parts of the 1 world, and upon theso markets we have 1 to rest our hopes. Any improve--1 ment in tho general social relations of 1 its people must better our condition. The cause of the agricultural and pastoral community is the cause of both town ■ and country ; and if freights to the ports 1 ! were reduced to a minimum tha produc- • | tion would increase to a large extent, and 1 j by creating a vast export trade would cause a flow of specie into the colony, with ample employment and good remu- , ncration; and thereby re-act upon our Customs duties to such an extent as would make our national debt of secondary ini- [ portauce to what it is now. A railway • policy of a reverse charactjr can only end . j in dragging the colony into a worse con- , I dition. if it is true that all wealth conics 1 from the land, settlement upon the land , should by every means be encouraged. The question of tenure can easily be 1 deferred to some future, period for as to whether the land should be made State property or not is immaterial in a country where universal ■ suffrage exists. The people have the power, and by concentrated aud thoughtful action it can always be mode the law of the land. 1 The argument that while vested ■ interests are so low, now would be the time for the state to resuino possession is open to the arguments, that every means which can induce settlement, should be reverted to in order, to create as great an export trade as possible, in order to meet the exigence of the period and the disciples of Henry George's theories may rest content in the fact that while there is 110 law of primogeniture or entail possible in a country with free institutions such as ours, no large landed estates can possibly exist for any great period, the tendency will be to d isintegrate, and it should always be open as an incentive to progress, that the individual should have a reasonable facility to accumulate the natural reward for industry, thrift, and perseverance, and this is more necessary in a young colony, Iu order to invite enterprise, legislation may possibly step in to regulate the disposal of such accumulated wealth. History points out that progress has been assisted as much by poverty, spurred on by necessity, as by any other means, and while ample rewards of our existence should be open to all without favour, we should guard against the fallacy that the indolent and unthrifty can be equal participators. The individual should have every facility to acquire land in a young colony, and of a tenure which would satisfy the majority, and the interests of the colony—at least for the present—does not lay in the imposition of taxes of a depressive character upon improved land. The normal price of produce is too near what Adam Smith, in bis " Wealth of Nations," calls " below the natural price"; that is, its cost of production, and as this state of things, in too many instances, exists, low freights to port are an actual necessity in order to invite enterprise to produce and export largely. Reasons pro and con upon all matters may be advanced, and it may be assumed that providing differ mtial rating on our railways were abolished and minimum freights to ports adopted that production would largely bo increased. Large exports would lead to loworshipping rates and continuous and extensive supplies to more assurrod and less fluctuating markets, as nothing tends to make a market moro fluctuating than intermittent supplies. The woollen market is practically unlimited to Now Zealand. American legislators have fully understood tho value of tho world's market. They have built up their commerce by forstering production and giving tho largest facility to all to export. One great natural resource has hitherto shielded us from tho effects of depression in its most wretched form. The flax industry has become a matter of great importance and is likely to form an appreciable assistance to our efforts. Now, is the time to supplement these advantages by affording every facility for every kind of producc to be made available to swell our exports, and these exports must necessarily be from agricultural and pastoral pursuits. The question of railway charges has a very important bearing upon the future prosperity of these industries, and in securing outside markets, as their very life depends upon the question of carriage, as the few shillings per

ton extra freight, If it does not totally extinguish the ability to produce with a margin of profit, has a powerful tendency to restrict industry and another progress in every form.