The Waikato Time AND THAMES VALLEY GAZETTE. TUESDAY, APRIL 9, 1889.

Waikato Times, Volume XXXII, Issue 2612, 9 April 1889, Page 2

The Waikato Time AND THAMES VALLEY GAZETTE.

TUESDAY, APRIL 9, 1889.

Equal and exact justice to all men, Of whatsoever state or persuasion, religious or political.

The Federation League, founded by the late distinguished statesman the Eight lion. W. E. Forster, is proving itself an active propoganda of Imperial Federation, or the strengthening of Anglo - Saxon Empire by legislative and commercial more indissoluble than ties of mere sentiment. Mr Foster may be regarded as the father of the great idea of Anglo-Saxon | unity, and did much by his powerful and eloquent advocacy to plant his own conceptions in the minds of the people of both sides of the Atlantic. His place as President of the League is now filled by Lord Kosebery, a rising statesman, who takes a deep interest in the colonies and whose mind has been profoundly impressed, during his visits to the distant possessions of Her Majesty, with their greatness, natural vigour and increasing potentiality. The League is nonpolitical ; men of all shades of opinions are amongst its members. Branches have been established throughout the Dominion of Canada, where as Mr Parkin states, there is a feeling of enthusiasm in the movement. This gentleman lias been for years an energetic worker in the cause, and he is now making a tour of the Australian colonies in the interest of the League, in order to direct public attention to the great principles involved in the question of Federation and toaid thepractical extension of the movement by the establishment of branches here also. The attractiveness, not to say the political importance, of such a broad subject, has been slosver to move the colonial mind at the Antipodes, especially in New Zealand, than if the Canadian provinces. The rivalry born of a close proximity t® a great and powerful nation has infused into the Canadians a national spirit beyond anything of a similar kind seen in the Australian colonies until very recently. Canada is so much nearer in touch with the heart of the Empire than we are that the pulsation of pride and sentiment is quicker and stronger in the Dominion than j in these extreme parts of the Empire. But the current of events within the last few years has brought these colonies into actual contact with the pressure of foreign activity in our own seas, and has awakened in them also the latent tire which may slumber but can never be quenched in the Anglo-Saxon breast. The Australian colonies suddenly realised the fact that they are not mere dependencies, but part and parcel of the mighty British Empire, and they have since been shaping their actions and aspirations in accordance with this new birth. These are signs of the time and lead the wav to the creation and stimulation of the idea of Anglo-Saxon unity. The population of the colonies is increasing rapidly ; so is their value to the Empire. And, as public opinion developes itself under the influence of a national spirit, the colonists, who now number many millions, will not look with complacence on the Imperial policy, affecting the destinies and happiness of the whole Empire, being entirely ruled by England. The colonies will demand a voice in the Imperial councils. That will only be effected by legislative union ; and the practical scheme of union must be devised by the colonies themselves. As Mr Parkin put it to the Auckland meeting, it ia natural to suppose that had the United States remained attached to the British Crown to this day, they would not, with double the population of the Mother Country, have submitted to be denied a share in the control of Imperial afl'airs. That, unquestionably, is the direction t» which things are pointing with us now, The colonies aro loyal to the Crown and to the Empire. They desire to consummate its consolidation and not endanger its disruption. The astounding and continual growth of the Empiro has so increased the burden of government in the Imperial Parliament and oi> British statesmen, that they are fully alive to the necessity of providing relief from the pressure of work that has really become dangerous to safe iegisisitjoi), It is

.sought to decentralise much of the work now attempted to be performed in London by conceding a large measure of local self-government to the distinctive national divisions of the Kingdoms, carefully preserving the unity of Imperial interests in the Supreme Parliament at Westminster. The discords of unhappy Ireland are expediting the accomplishment of the Imperial idea by forcing to a head decentralisation and local self-administration. In the scheme of Imperial federation the real principle underlying it is one of self-interest, running largely through thedisplay of national and racial sentiment. In fact, it is put forward in a practical manner, and resolves itself into a question of trade and self-preservation. Kvery portion of the Empire is essential to each other. The colonies are necessary to England as markets for her manufactures, and stations for her Navy. Great Britain is of vital importance to the colonies as the greatest market for their productions, and the only source whence they obtain capital, whilst her naval protection, so willingly given, affords them perfect security. The value of England's commerce is, Mr Parkin stated, £800,000,000 and that of the colonies £400,000,000. This enormous volume of Anglo-Saxon trade and enterprise is defended by England, alone, at very great expense. But the great colonies are moving in the direction of federation and assuming their share of the cost and responsibilities of the Empire, Independently and without fixed rule, as yet, it is true. Tho Canadian Pacific Railway is no longer regarded from a Canadian point of view ; it is now of Imperial importance. Tho erection of docks, defence works, and contributions to the Imperial navy by the colonies are all steps in the same direction, and are signs of the time. These separate actions have only to be put into concrete form to bring the question of AngloSaxon Confederation from the ideal to the regions of practical politics. It is better for the colonies to help England to manage the vast Empire than see it disintregated or falling behind other great Powers. Canada is strong enough to join in the task, and Mr Parkin says the people of the Dominion value their own institutions and system of Government as superior to those of America. Apart from the patriotic and sentimental side of the question, the greatest bond of union between all parts of the Empire would be Imperial free trade, or, as some claim, fair trade. We should unite together to protect our own British trade and water - ways against the jealousy and competition of the world. The tide of emigration from the Mother Country should be entirely diverted to our own possessions to increase the strength of our own Empire and multiply our own wealth. Some people argue that the colonies contain interests so diverse and antagonistic that it would be impossible to reconcile them, and that Federation must remain a dream. Whatever differences of the kind may exist they are purely of a domestic character, and not to be classed with those found amongst people of rival race and alien blood. The American Union itself is a proof of the error of the above contention as it presents a combination of independent kindred States loyal to each other and with Freetrade within their own and almost limitless borders. The British Parliament has determined to make an enormous increase in their navy to protect the interests and vast trade of the Empire. Should not the colonies also prove their willingness and anxiety to uphold that Empire in its integrity ? Public opinion with us only needs educating to the knowledge of the national importance and grandeur of the subject to become agreed on the necessity of advancing a scheme of Imperial Federation, founded on an equitable legislative and commercial basis.