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THE NEW EVANGEL.

IV.—The Main Issues. I'tS A Nl'K-Kn iMIMY, '.V KAI.TII-I'KODOcn-I'iN, VM II IiKCISI.ATrON. " I'osciiiiiir/'-HoR. As the most probabh; moans of accomplishing what is requisite, 1 advocate — 1. Kedueu the Lower House to 50 and the Upper House to 2f> members. 2. Elect L'nver House representatives for five years on a modification of MiHare's system, dividing New Zealand, so that each island may be an electorate ; and provide for vacancies in the Upper House, being filled by election—certainly not on the governmental nominee plan. 3. Abolish government by party, giving power to the Governor (is in ihu States) to appoint for bis t»rm his executive, subject to the approval of Pnrlianioiil, but removable at his pleasure ; and let the Executive consist of only throe men--Secretary, Treasurer, and Atto;-ney-Goneral, not members of cither House, ami, indeed, ineligible for membership during tenure of ollice —with greatly enhanced powers to the Governor and his Executive, but with overriding powers to Parliament if two-thirds of each house concurs.

4. Adopt parliamentary procedure similar to that of the United States, where legislation substantially vests in the Standing Committees ; by which procedure long, or useless, debates on the floor of the House are impossible.

r>. Abolish the much-abused moving adjournment of the House to enable members to re-opon a debate, w.iste time, and ventilate impracticable ideas.

G. Introduce tho Ameriei.n method of using "The Question" and "The Previous Question," which has, in American Legislatures, effectually put an end to " the deadlock"—so often the method of obstruction in the British and Colonial Parliaments.

7. Clo;ho the Speakers with autocratic power of closure ; although if tho two preceding suggestions bo adopted, there should ha little need for it.

8. If Government by party bn retained, forbid dissolution when it would involve two sessions in one year ; in other words, make resignation compulsory when a Government is beaten on a vote of want-of-confldene,e—as was for many years the practice in New Zealand until it was departed from by Sir G. Grey, and subsequently by Sir R. Stout.

9. Prohibit Select Committees for tho special hearing of individual complaints ; which mean jobs. Let all personal grievanC3s be disposed of by the Standing Committees within whoso scope the cases may respectively fall. 10. Discontinue Hansard. 11. Of course, sweep away that monstrous anomaly—payment of Upper House members. 12. Systematise (thereby greatly increase, and at tho same time greatly decrease) local government, and relegate to it, in a revised form, all but Now interests; fj' v i"g pow?r of direct loci taxation for all district lvquiivmnnts, including power of rating for education purposes—thereby avoiding , education being a. charge on gem'r'il revenue. 13. Enact that impeachment shall be 'imperative against any Minister for exneeding, or being a party to, or conniving at, exceeding a vo'.o, or diverting, or being a purtv to, or conniving lit tho diverting of, public moneys from the purpose for which they have been voted ; and

14. Render illegal tho borrowing outstrip of the colony of moneys by official bodies ; and also render illegal such State devices—dishonest to the British investoi —as raising money by means of Treasury, or Deficiency, Bills.

We should then have a Nov Zealand Parliament legislating at firaallij reduced coat, including a Lower House consisting of New Zealand, anrl not district, representatives ; dealing, necessarily far more economically, with colonial and not. Little Pedlington, party, or individual interests; with a tenure of oltiee, and with such extended electorates, as would render members much more independent of current popular clamour ! with parliamentary procedure virtually precluding useless talk ; with substantial provisions against party fights and intrigues, scrambles for office, misappropriation of votes, and abuses of forms of the House by obstruction, or otherwise ; and also providing against the cost and scandal of ministerial dissolution, select committees, and the pledging of the credit of the colony by such bodies as Dock and Harbour Boards. And then we shall have n well s stemised and far less expensive scheme of local Government, which would teach the lesson just now, above all others, needed to be learnt,, what taxation and economy mean. Fur direct taxation has always hcen found to be a safeguard against administrative extra,vngince and corruption. By having such a Parliament wo should, I hope, also secure—what is all important,—representatives well informed in political economy, of sterling honesty, as financially independent as if, is possible to procure them, and with that leisure to quietly watch, study, think out, and enforce—without such no man should take part in legislation. For "those cominomveaths arp happy whose rulers philosophise, an;] whose philosophers rule;" and nothing can be more detrimental than to legislate for the occasion under presFive, instead of dealing with a situation deliberately, independently, broadly, and soundly. Indeed, such a Parliamentary system should tend to reverse the teaching of history, that democracies do not choos", or wish to ohonsn the best men procurable. Towards finance economy, and. therefore, towards the first, step in restoring confidence such constitutional reform should marvellously contribute; whilst there would lie with representatives of superior calibre, bavins' inore independent tenure, greatly enhanced freedom from party ties and individual scrambles, and with much less temptation, or, indeed, possibility of talk, every probability that sounder views respecting we.d'h production and fair legislation would then prevail. To stop borrowing and hugely diminish expenditure are now virtually impossible. Then —not only would both be effected, but immense reduction of taxation bo a natural sequence. But, before showing how borrowing can be stopped, expenditure hmrely diminished, and taxation iinmrnsely reduced, it may he profit able to realise our present condition, and how practically impossible it is under the existing regime to stop borrowing, and how our representatives persistently play the fool at Wellington, and at the same time persist in tryinsr to gull the public that they have been patriots and statesmen. And in order to briefly do this, I cannot do better than to coinmen.l to notice, and comment on, what is probably the inost instructive public document ever published in the Colony—lS32-188S," It is indeed multmn in parvo—mnltnm non malta—a history of New Zealand in figures, and alone sufficient to damn New Zealand financiers. It is therefore too important to be dealt with at the flag end of an otherwise important section. "The Balance Sheets of the Colon}', 1832-1888," will consequently form the main subject of the next section of this article, as a fitting prelude to treating of hugely diminishing expenditure, and of immensely reducing taxation. R. Latshley, L.L.D., Etc , Etc.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/WT18880915.2.37.21

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Waikato Times, Volume XXXI, Issue 2525, 15 September 1888, Page 2 (Supplement)

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,083

THE NEW EVANGEL. Waikato Times, Volume XXXI, Issue 2525, 15 September 1888, Page 2 (Supplement)

THE NEW EVANGEL. Waikato Times, Volume XXXI, Issue 2525, 15 September 1888, Page 2 (Supplement)

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