THE NEW EVANGEL

Waikato Times, Volume XXXI, Issue 2522, 8 September 1888, Page 2 (Supplement)

THE NEW EVANGEL

lll.—The Main Issues. FINANCE-ECONOMY, WEALTH-PRODUCTION, FAIR-LEGISLATION. We have left undone those things which weought to have done : And have done those things which we ought not to have done; And there is no health in us. Anglican Prayer-book. Having disposed of the formidable side issuo — Protection — which has misled attention, let us turn to the main issues— finance, ccouomy, wealth-production, and fair legislation—which involve constitutional reform and restoration of confidence. One needs scarcely to be reminded that to treat disease successfully the natural order of events is («) temporarily relieve acute symptoms (4) diagnoso (>c) and finally cffect permanent cure. I, therefore, now suggest—what should temporarily relieve the monetary straiu : what is the root-causo of tho crisis ; and what the pormanent remedy.

To those who study natural sequence the present finance situation is not wonderful. On the contrary, any other condition would be marvellous. Extravagance must produce exhaustion ; to stop immigration must mean damming the main artery : to oppress or discourage capital—which is but crystalised labour —must necessarily retard wealth-produc-tion, and, therefore, injure labour ; class legislation—whether in the form of unjust property tax exemption, unfair charitable aid provisions, protection of local industries, or absurd bankruptcy laws—must as a natural consequence, tax industry and thrift, and, therefore, discourage the main springs of national prosperity; whilst expenditure of borrowed money, without making provision for payment of even the interest, in the only way in which it can be permanently paid by wealth-production —can only lead to ruin.

All this follows as the night the day; and yet all this we have done, and, apparently, still think we can do, with impunity. But natural laws in the political, as in the physical, world, will assert themselves ; and thus our pressing danger arises from public opinion being so demoralised, selfish and blind that it will not recognise sure presages of public disaster. Just as De Tocqueville, in writing of the United States, says : — "The first duty which is at this time imposed upon those who direct affairs is to educate the democracy," &c. So here the real problem is, How can public opinion be influenced —i.e., educated—to realise tho situation ? For, notwithstanding " that the miserable have no other medicine but only hope," the advent of permanent prosperity cannot even be reasonably hoped for whilst radically erroneous views of politico-economic subjects prevail. It is history that the masses are willing to be led by the classes—that is, a few thinkers ultimately rule, for "brain counts for more than brawn and it is a mistake to think that we arc in the hands of numbers rather than brains. But our misfortune hits been that we huv« hitherto had but few sound thinkers here, and scarcely any who would trouble themselves to show the masses in what the true interests of tho colony consist, and, therefore, where their real prosperity lay. Tho consequence is that electors, as a whole, have been, and still are, misled by specious deludors, who, in the hope of thereby currying favour, tako tho cue from the masses themselves, and thereby confirm them in thinking that legislation in their express favour, as a class, is especially advantageous to them. Foolish deluders, and vain delusion ! For reflux in the form of justice must ultimately come, and engulf charlatans and punish the deluded—i.e., unjust legislation in favour of a class especially injures that class in tho long run, and will certainly ultimately ro-aot on tho inducers and perpetrators of the wrong. How true it is that

ft to win us to our harm The instruments of darkness tell us truths ; Win us with honest trifles to betray us In deepest consequence," It is increditable that capital has so long stood tamely by and seen the value of property destroyed before their eyes. But, alas ! it has been so ; and the consequence now is that a stage has been reached when it is hopeless to expect any rapid and substantial change of popular feeling, unless the pinch of results be far more forcibly brought home to voters than it has hitherto been. For progress involves contention, contention takes time, and even the Press, that does the thinking for at least nine out of every ten people in the colony, cannot—even if they would—effect lightning transformations. The only hope, therefore, for speedy change is to so legislate that electors, as a mass, may more directly feel what property-owners alone now somewhat realise. This involves such legislative changes as will ensure simpler and more direct, and, therefore, healthier, administration ; for the very large majority of electors, although possibly suffering from want of sufficient work, do not recognise the real rootcause of the dearth of employment, or realise the grave results which must naturally pccrue from continued public and private extravagance, 110 population, oppression of capital, and unfair legislation. They have been, and are, not only gravely misled, but, I fear, are selfish, and, therefore, Bhortsigbted— ignorant that class selfishness means class suicide, and that" evil is self-destructive in its nature."

The main radical reforms needed— finance-economy, wealth-production, and fair-legislation—aro imperative. But to effect these, thorough constitutional changes are inevitable. I am a Radical, and therefore, grieve to recognise that Government by democracy has been here a sad failure, almost as great as Government by party, and has resulted in the same indifference to the general welfare and honour of the State. Not by reason of the theory being wrong, bnt because "Parliamentary Government, as hitherto understood and practiced in England and her colonies, does not agree with tho prevalence of democracy and with universal suffrage," and because democratic institutions have been perinaturely applied, it having been forgotten that " untimely decrepitude is the penalty of precocious maturity." For it is apparent that at present there is a total want of knowledge amongst us as to what will best promote our interests. In other words, we voters have yet to learn the value of our votes ; and, as I say above, I fear that it is hopeless to expect us to realise that until we feel the direct pinch, the natural result of our votes. Indeed, how it is possible to reach a goal, if we do not know the road, or, knowing the road, decline to follow it? Surely tho Sovereignty of Wisdom is scarcely attainable by the Exaltation of Polly. The result of our errors —if they be not speedily remedied—must be the resumption of power by the propertied classes—or utter, disaster. Indeed, it its only by reason af their extraordinary inertise that Capital has lost its fair share of power, and that legislation, unfair to Capital, has been enacted—an illustration of Mill's saying, "One man with a conviction is worth a hundred with only interests." In my first article I ventured to point out that "there is one fact that stands prominently forth, our utter incompetence to govern ourselves," &c., &c. Since then I notice that Profeßsor Tbeodor von Bunsen says that " Lord Salisbury stated nothing but a self-evident truth in maintaining that few races show any real fitnesß for self government." The Professor says, "In the whole British army and navy, in the Indian, colonial, and diplomatic services, few men will be found who are not profoundly convinced of the fact." Again, "the incompetence of the old parties, and of the prevailing systems of Government in England is discrediting the representative syste;n all over the world," Alas ! with what peculiar significance do these words apply here ; and how uttterly have we lost sight of the tact that the two things indispensible to national happiness are "good laws, and a prudent management of them." I

The radical legislative changes required here to secure Finance-Economy, WealthProduction and Fair-Legislation, are not, in my opinion, merely changes of men, but also changes of system. Wo must, " like Bassanio in the play, turn from the specious caskets, which contain only the Death's head and the Fool's head, and fix on the plain leaden chest which conceals the treasure."

It is true "Constitutions aro never overthrown till they have prouounecd sentence on themselves," but I doubt whether a more striking example in modem times can be found of the utter failure of democratic institutions as an administrative machine. Just as a bad woman does infinite injury not only to herself but to her sex, so we, by discrediting democratic institutions, have done infinite harm not only to ourselves, but to the cause of the people. It has been truly said "every people has that form of government which it deserves," and we certainly deserve what we have. In considering what change of system should be made, it is of course necessary to consider what system is best suited to cope with the special evils with which wo have to deal, and choose accordingly. And 011 this history speaks with no uncertainty—that democracies, whilst really the most absolute forms of despotisms, especially in respect of mintitiie aud meddling, are not to be compared with nominal autecracies in all that relates to administrative purity and efficiency. This is sad and humiliating. As, however, human nature has not changed,the lessons of history are, of course, just as applicable now and hero, as heretofore and elsewhere. Prima facie, a dictatorship—in other words a Crown Colony Governorship— suggests itself—a dictator with arbitrary powers, appointed by the Imperial Government, nominated for at least five years, assisted by two New Zealand statesmen nominated by the colony, and appointed for a like term as a Board of Advice ; and abolition of Parliament and all local bodies for the term. This would, no doubt, secure the extinction for the time of tho evils of Government by party, and also the abolition of continual scramble for office—the main object of the very large majority of our Lower House representatives. And would thus prevent the sacrifice of New Zealand interests for those of party, or individuals, for " men are faithful only so long as temptations pass them by." But Ido not pursue the subject, because I feel, as I mentioned in my introductory article, it is impracticable. Not only is individual selfishness too potent (although shortsighted) a factor to allow of the concrete good being thus considered; but I am satisfied that the British Government would never consent to resume a responsibility from which they were, when the colony only contained 150,000 inhabitants, only too glad to be relieved ; aud because I am also convinced, in view of the official records of New Zealand, the more thoughtful of the colonists would not voluntarily consent to the irritating reign again of officialism.

They probably would decide that, judging from past experience, King Stork would be worse than King Log. And even were it otherwise, a bad constitution can only be ended by a revolution, " which is the last remedy when all else has failed ; for they may create as many evils as they cure, and wise men always hate them."

Wo must, therefore, fall back on reforming our present institutions as best we can, to mako them as little capable of harm as possible. And, in order to do this as effectually as is practicable, the question again demands consideration: What have proved to bo tho most patent evils of our Parliamentary system ? Tho answer, I conceive, is not difficult. For is it not notorious that talk and shameless fooling, gross ignorance, or contempt for first principles, ignominious toadyism to the "passing whim, rage, or stupidity of ill-educated, semi-corrupt voters," individual struggle for office, local logrolling, and personal bribery, to tho utter disregard of New Zealand interests, have been conspicuous ? How can all this be most probably rectified ? In the continuation of this article, in an early issu", I propose to show how. R. Latshley, L.L.D.