OUR KIN ACROSS THE SEA.

Waikato Times, Volume XXVIII, Issue 2295, 26 March 1887, Page 1 (Supplement)

OUR KIN ACROSS THE SEA.

[by J. c. FIRTH.] No. XII. THE LABOUR TROUBLES,

Amkrica is a new country. It has no Past: no time-worn teiriple, no ancient fortress, no ruined monastery to tell the story of departed grandeur, dispotic power, or priestly domination. A hundred years ago the people of the United States began their National Life untramelled by the ancient abuses, the class rights or wrongs, or the noxious development often incidental to older nations. It, therefore, presents to the attentive observer the growth of a great nation under new conditions.

It is not that the Labour problem, or any other problems which present themselves for solution, are peculiar to America, for with the exception of the "Negro question," the people of the United States are telling the old, old story of Humanity, The conditions are different—that is all. The deep strong undercurrent of human nature flows thero, as it has flowed in every country and in every age.

Flowers bloom and wither, forests grow and decay, granite mountains slowly disintegrate and drift into the valleys, the oceans of to-day surge over the continents of the past, whilst in the silent depths of many an ocean are forming the continents®! a far-off to-morrow.

Change is the law of the universe— a natural development of matter. Humanity—an emanation from Divinity —retains its original germ, its primal principle of life, enfeebled, degraded, it may be, but not destroyed. It begins, continues, and remains amid all the myriad changes of matter, a living human soul, and passing through the fiery trials and purifying ordeals of evolution, will slowly—but more or less completely — shuffle off the mortal coils of ignorance, selfishness, sin, and sorrow; and ever moving onwards and upwards, as step by step it slowly approaches perfection, until finally, Humanity becomes One with the Divinity from which it sprung.

Ido not, therefore, regard with fear the unsettling of old forms of truth, for truth is older and more enduring than its garments. To my mind, the agnosticism, the discontent, the labour troubles, the socialism, in a word, the elements of the coming struggle, may be but the indications of an approaching storm indeed, which may and will bring disaster, like many another storm, but like them, will leave the atmosphere more clear, more bracing, and more favourable for the evolution of a purer, nobler, and happier atmosphere of life than that in which we now gasp, and struggle, and suffer, and faint, rather than live.

It ought not, therefore, to create any grave disappointment that the American nation, which begun its life like the youthful heir to an unencumbered estate, should have been confronted in its free, strong youth with the "problems " which it has fallen to my lot to discuss. They have naturally come to the front at an earlier period in the life of the Great Republic than in older, feebler, and more effete nations. But they are presenting themselves for solution there, under conditions less difficult than those existing in any other nation.

Mr Gladstone I think it is, who says that English progress is characterised "by a broadening down from precedent to precedent." Had he said "by a narrowing up from precedent to precedent" the definition, by even so great a master of language, I venture to think, would have been more exact. Englishmen have accomplished so much, have ruled so long, that even the Liberal Party has not escaped the. "Slough of Conceit" into which, when a man or a nation falls, they are both in danger of thinking their mode of action, to use an Americanism, " beats creation." Nor are Americans altogether free from a similar conceit.

Middle-class Englishmen too often act as if thoy were " too wise to be taught,

too good to be mended." In that obstinate conservatism which belongs to Englishmen, they reject a thing or an idea because it is " new," will hardly, indeed, condescend to examine it. Americans, on the contrary—though sadly deficiont in veneration for anything " old " —have no contempt for a thing simply because it is "new," and, if good for anything, readily adopt it. In doing so they may often tumble over head and ears into the "Slough of Conceit;" though, unlike Englishmen, they don't remain there, but, like Bunyan's Pilgrim, generally come out "on the other side," and progress accordingly.

This faculty of not avoiding a thing because it is new, together with a general ownership of the soil of the country they live in—there being, I think, more than four million freeholders in the United States—and the possession of '' universal suffrage," give them very great advantages in the solution of problems—however difficult—over all other nations not so circumstanced.

For these reasons the impending struggle between Capital and Labour in America and in every civilised nation, will be fought out, I think, more intelligently, and be adjusted more satisfactorily and more speedily in the United States than in England or on the Continent of Europe.

In America, every man has the right of "free speech," and has "a vote" on every question. And though too many Americans indolently allow this twoedged weapon to rust like a sword in its scabbard for want of use, it only needs a strong public danger to arise, for the rusty, yet trusty, weapon to be applied to the grindstone of necessity, to enable it to cut through any Gordian Knot, inore readily and more safely than a nation which does not possess the two-edged sword of free speech and a free vote.

The condition of Europe to-day is full of menace. Below dynastic ambition and radical yearnings, there lies a stronger and a racial force, a social discontent which at intervals flashes a lurid gleam across the darkening clouds, and may have results that iron chancellors and crowned despots may have to reckon with before tho coming storm has exhausted its destructive energy. The community of interest between the classes which make a nation really strong does not exist in a form, and to an extent, which in our more enlightened times, must of necessity be a most potent element in a strong and united nation than ever before.

The nineteenth century, more than any similar period in historic times, has educated the masses in a knowledge of the disparity of the conditions of modern life, and in a knowledge of their power to remedy the evils of which they complain. The old axiom, that "Knowledge is power," is to-day supplemented by the newer and more potent axiom that " Votes are power."

Whether the present hollow peace will bo preserved, or whether a terrible war may ere long be fought out on the old battle grounds of Europe, is a matter of opinion. In auy case, the social question- will remain for settlement. This question lies deeper and rises higher than all racial or dynastic problems which await solution. It admits, I venture to think, but of one solution, with any force or permanency, viz., the establishment of "community of interest" between all classes. UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE. The founders of the American Constitution were not altogether agreed upon the adoption of "universal suffrage.'' Some of them desired that a man should to have a vote became he was a maD ; others wished that property should form a part of the qualification. Whilst the question was under discussion, it is said that Franklin, by way of assisting in the settlement of the question, having purchased a donkey for a few dollars, took the animal with him to the Registration Office, claiming to be registered ,f because he was a man." The officials enquired whether he had any property. "Yes," he replied, pointing to the donkey, " there is my property." On being duly registered as a voter, Franklin said. "Now, gentlemen, you declined to register me as a voter unless I proved I possessed some property. On producing my donkey, you at once registered me as a voter. Now, it appears to me that the donkey is the voter, and not Benjamin Franklin." It is said, I know not with what truth that this little incident materially assisted in the decision to give a vote to a man " because he was a man, and not because he possessed a donkey or any other proporty.

"The "universal suffrage " is a great safe-guard .to liberty cannot be denied. But to be so, it must be honestly and generally used.

It is, however, clear enough that it is not so used, either in America or in the Australasian colonies. Whether it be that it is the consciousness of possessing a power, able to remedy any abuse, if seriously applied ; or whether it be, that responsibility is so divided as to be, under ordinary circumstances, practically inoperative, Ido not know. From whatever cause, it is quite evident that there are two classes in the United States who do not do their duty to the free and noble institutions of the great country in which they live, namely : — 1. Those who won't vote ; 2. Those who don't vote. Americans are a very patient people. For so acute, enterprising and energetic a racc, the patient way in which they submit to an inconvenience or an injustice, is at least remarkable. They claim to be a free people, and to a great extent they are free. That they are not more entirely free is their own fault. They have good laws, which are too often badly administered, because the administrators are elected, or are not looked after. Having secured the freest institutions, it would seem as though they had forgotten the imperative necessity of keeping their political weapons bright by constant use.

The human body cannot long be kept healthy, and able to perform its vital functions, unless its various powers be regularly and properly exercised. If, instead of riding a good horse, a man mounts a kicking jade, or if, when he takes walking exercise, he allows himself to be led by the nose, or to be ridden by some cunning knave, he comes to grief.

So a nation, however great, however free its institutions, if, though indolence or any it neglects its manifest duty, it perils the continuance of its own freedom, and bars the progress of free institutions throughout the world.

Looking at the deeds done under cover of ''universal suffrage," its advocates, both in the United States and in the Australasian colonies, have good reason to be ashamed of their indolence, or to doubt whether "universal suffrage " is so universal a panacea as many suppote.

Under its authority, Now Zealand has incurred a debt far too hoavy for its present population; whilst the Corporation of tho city of Auckland, though possessed of an estate with an abundant supply of perhaps the purest water in the world, proceeded to erect abattoirs within a stone's throw of the springs, and permit the deposit of uightsoil aud other abominatious adjacent to the springs which supply the city with water. Had the Governor of a Crown colony done such deeds, what a tempest would have been raised ? Had any autocratic ruler permitted such infringements of public rights, how vigorous would have beea the protests, even though made between the

teeth. And yet a colony or city, governed by universal suffrage, does such things with scarcely a murmur x/eing heard, or a protest made against them, until the mischief is done.

In view of the growing demands constantly being made by a section of the working classes in all the Australasian colonies upon the various Governments— that work at high wages must be provided for them—it is clear that we are drifting into the Communist principles advocated by MM. Proudhon and Louis Blanc in the French Revolution of 1848. Such demands, it is needless to say, strike at the root of honest and careful industry, and destroy all true and manly independence. In relation to such a condition of things, it may well be asked if universal suffrage is quite the unmixed good we have supposed it to be. Nor is it so in the Australasian colonies, if the wellmeaning, but silent and indolent majority neglects to do its duty.

The abuses and monopolies which have already taken root in the United States, owing to the culpable indolence and apathy of large sections of its citizens, justify a similar enquiry. Indeed, intelligent Americans, who have the true .welfare of their country at heart, are well nigh unanimous in declaring their belief, that could the Founders of the American Constitution have forseen the disastrous effects arising from the culpable indifference of so many of the possessors of the franchise, and from conferring the suffrage upon the hordes of foreigners flocking to their shores, whose previous training renders them incapable of rightly using the privileges of freemen, they would have greatly limited the suffrage and rendered naturalisation much more difficult. The growing disbelief in the efficacy of universal suffrage in the United States is apparent from the following extract from a recent number of an influential American newspaper: —

"The American statesman who will gain the highest niche iu this republican temple of ours, and who will best deserve it, will be the one who shall devise a scheme for the peaceful disfranchisement of three millions of our present voting population. Whether this can be done, and the time ever come when the legislation of this republic can be confined to the intelligent and moral classes, is m6re than doubtful. That until that time comes discord and violence will continue to prevail, no intelligent mind can doubt."

That " three millions of voters will ever be disfranchised in the United States " is an event not likely to happen; that, therefore, '' discord and violence will continue to prevail" is probably true, unless the " silent and inactive majority " awake from their culpable lethargy and indolence, and do their duty. Thyy owe this duty to themselves, to the free institutions under which they live, and to the progress of free institutions throughout the world. MOSEY, WEIGHTS, AND MEASURES. The obstinate adherence of Englishmen to a system " because it is old," is in nothing more apparent than in the English system of money, weights, and measures. In England we have a sovereign, halfsovereign, crown, half-crown, florin, shilling, sixpence, threepence, penny, and half-penny. A bushel of wheat, bai'ley, oats, grass seed, is 60, f>o, 40, 201b, respectively, a ton is 2240, a hundred weight 1121b, a stone 16, 15, or 81b. The waste of time in schools, shops, offices, and banks, involved in the continued use of this inconvenient system is incredible. In the Middle Ages it did not matter. But in these times, of railways, and telegraphs, it can only serve to direct attention to the unprogrcssive character of Englishmen in this direction.

Contrast all this waste of brain, time, and toil, with the direct and simple system, in use in the United States, of Dollars and Cents in money ; of Centals and Pounds in weights and measures.

Could anything be adopted, more necessary, useful, and economical, to signalize Her Majesty Queen Victoria's Jubilee, than the Decimal system of Money and weights, on some such basis as that in use in the United States? We are not ashamed to import American wheat, butter, and meat, why not weigh and pay for them also, on the easy system adopted, by our American Kinsfolk.

It the Decimal system be adopted by England now, it will be a lasting memorial of Her Majesty's Jubilee, when probably everyone of the ten thousand and two things now being proposed, are forgotten.