OUR KIN ACROSS THE SEA.

Waikato Times, Volume XXVIII, Issue 2286, 5 March 1887, Page 2 (Supplement)

OUR KIN ACROSS THE SEA.

[liY J. (!. KIRTH.] No. X. AMERICAN PROBLEMS. To people who wear green spectacles oven a sandy desert appears green. So a nation that looks at every question through a Democratic medium, as though in "universal suffrage'' it possessed a talisman equal to every emergency, able to grapple with every difficulty, strong enough to remedy every abuse, may, if its Democratic institutions aro not honestly worked, h°. only looking through "green spectacles." A nation, so neglecting its duty, sulfnrß great damage, and if, thro*' ";h su'.-h neglect, " jrovernment by the people for the people" is proved to be a delusion, to be merely a desert seen through an illusory medium, then a great calamity will have fallen upon mankind.

American inventors endeavour to make their machinery " automatic that is, to do their work with the least possible help from , manual labour. But the inventor knows well, that the most perfect automatic machine requires watching aid attention, or it will soon go wrong. Whilst the early American settlers were building log-huts, subduing the forest and the prairie, defending their homes against hostile Indians, making roads and building schools and churches; whilst simple primitive lives and aims ■were the chief objects of ambition ; whilst the cities were small and the people were dressed iu homespun ; whilst politics tvere a "means" and not "an enduniversal suffrage was an automatic machine which answered its purpose sufficiently well, because it was carefully watched and honestly worked. But when luxury be? 1 habit, aud wealth a power, then the New World began to disclose many developments, supposed to belong ouly to dospotie systems and to older civilisations. . The peoplo of tho United States have had the great advantage of having no antique abuses, no prescriptive riirhts, 110 class privileges, no Stato Church, no aristocratic or kingly usurpations to contend agaiust and remove. Nor have they been troubled with feudal customs and usaircs hoary with age. The Pilgrim Fathers sought in the New "World for a liberty of conscience, which was denied them in the Old. They found a " clean sheet," there, to write upon it what they would. Beyond the " Common Law of England"—itself the outcome of the ancient Roman Law—and a deep love for " home," their old home, and the home of the race, they took little else with them. Feudal manacles and musty precedents they left behind. And well those heroic men did their duty. In the "Declaration of Independence" their descendants completed the work their fathers had so well begun. How far the New England States -succeeded in securing what of life is most worth living for, may bo learnt from the t&stimony of Horace Greely, who says of'his early New England home "I have never since known a community so generally moral, industrious, and friendly ; never one, where so much good was known, and so little evil said, of neighbour by neighbour." Fifty years after tlie Declaration of Independence, the grand march Westward commenced. Fifty years of unparallelled progress followed. That, and the stimulating influences of the gold discoveries, have since put universal suffrage and Democratic institutions oil the American model on their trial, with results which are not altogether encouraging.

Liberty of speech, liberty of the citizen, liberty of the Press, the election of all the magistrates, and the election of nearly all the judges, have, by the culpable indolence and grievous neglect of the better portion of American citizens, gone far tj result in the creation of more gigantic monopolies, in the production of more colossal fortunes, in a greater cost of living, in the existence of greater political profligacy, in a greater spirit of unrest than the world has hitherto seen in any country claiming to be free. Nay, in the development of luxury,and in the extent and variety of difficult problems, incipient or actual, the United States does not lag far behind some of the European nations which may be said to be the natural homes of the rights (?) of Kings and the wrongs of men.

The more prominent of the problems which came under my notice during my recent visit to the United States were the " Negro question the " Chinese question;"' "The decay of veneration;" " Sunday desecration the " Labour troublesthe " Laxity of the Law thfi "Irish difficulty;" the "Election of magistrates and judges." ' Some of these problems are of direct and deep interest to all sections of the English-speaking race; others more nearly concern "our kin across the sea" in the United States. In treating these questions, it is, I hope, for me to say that I propose to discuss them in no carping or sneering manner, but, like the mouse in the fable, I humbly hope to assist, in some small measure, in helping, the lion out of the net. I may here observe that the conclusions I have formed on all the more prominent questions I have treated in these papers, are the results of patient discussion—as full as circumstances permitted. These, conplusious. represent, in the main, American opinious examined, criticised, disputed, modified or accepted by me as they were discussed. Should the various opinions aiul conclusions expressed in the papers upon " Our Kiu Across the Sea" come under the notice of auy of the American gentlemen who, from time to time, took part in these discussions, I venture to hope that they will admit that the conclusions—if not in all cases absolutely correct—are, at least, reasonably fair, honest, and well intentioned.

THE NEfiRO QUESTION. For the " Negro difficulty " the United States is not primarily responsible, having inherited it from England. The vital importance of the negro question will be seen from the following figures, for the basis of which I am indebted -to the " Statesman's Year Book " for 18b6 :— Total Population op the United States. 1870. 1880. "Vyhite .. 33,(178,000 30,822,000 ■■Coloured .4,880,000 0,580,000 Total ... 38,555,000 43,402,000 White population... 33,078,000 36,822,000 Deduct increase by immigration .. 2,251,000 2,812,000 31,397,000 34.010,000 31,397,000 Increase of white ' population in ten year* by births... 2,013,000 Of percentage of increase by births of B^3 Total coloured population in 1880 0,580,000 Do. do. 1870 4,880,CD0 Increase of coloured population in ten yeirs 1,700,000 Or percentage of increase by births of 35 ' 4 These figures merit—nay, demand—the attention of American citizens. Should the objects sought by the New American Party in their policy of "America for the Americans," be ultimately secured, namejp — 1, The practical stoppage of immigration. And, 2, The abolition of the Naturalisation Laws; the people of the United States will be brought face to face with a ratio of increase by births as shown in the decade between 1870 and 1880, For the white population of 8.33 per cent., . „ For the coloured population of 30.l per c:)nt - ■ , ■ n • Such a ratio of increase would in no long period make the blacks equal to the whites in number. The consideration of these astounding figures led me to neglect no opportunity of eliciting the opinions of gentlemen from both North and South on the following points, namely : — Are the coloured people improving m

physical condition ? are they becoming move virtuous? are they capable of cdueation, and beinjr educated? arc they acquiring property Pis their sense of responsibility -increasing ? a'-o they capable of acquiring a knowledge of the common mechanical arts? To all those queries, in a company of intelliucnt American gentlemen from North'aud South, after a long, full, and patient examination and discussion, the answer was in each ease decisively, Yes. To the questions: Are t.tiey honestly inclined ? are they manifesting a decidwl tendency to a honest, true religions sentiment and life ? neither the evidence nor the conclusions were, decisive.

The co'o re 1 pooulu arc of a much lower mental standard than their white fellow-citizens. But, considering the long period during which the black race was lichl i" subjection, without education, with scanty opportunities for improving their position, with little responwith no property, not even owning themselves, their wives, or their children, it cannot be reckoned surprising if they are inferior. Take any white men, say, big-headed Germans, or merry-hearted "Frenchmen, or hardheaded Anglo-Saxons, and treat them for centuries as the Negroes have been treated, and it would not be difficult to allow that a great mental deterioration would be apparent in each race. Let these shamefully-wronged black people breathe the air of freedom, let them acquire freeholds, let them take part in working the free institutions of America for a century, and I venture to thiuk that their mental standard will be far higher than now. If these conclusions arc fairly correct, there is, I thiuk, hope for the white race, aud hope for tho black. On the contrary, if they are not correct, the future may well be regarded as gloomy, aud full of evil portent for both races. Of course tho "caste line" remains, with its difficulties iuoreased as the mental difference between the twe races diminish. If the mixture of blood be not possible, then, there will somo day have to bo writtcu the story of " Two Natious" in one country, with the difficulties and dangers incidental to such a condition. TIIK CHINESE QUESTION. Tho Chinese question concerns both Amorica and England. At present it may appear to be of small moment to either country ; but, if I mistake not, it possesses possibilities which both nations may well take measures to control before it is too late. The Chinese difficulty is a great consequence of the folly or avarice of our rulers, both in the British Empire and in tho United States. In tho interests of English and American commerce . the Chinese Emperor was compelled by the legic of cannon law, to admit foreigners to reside and trade in certain Chinese ports ; similar treaty rights being granted to Chinese people, to reside, trade, and work, in the United States and in the British dominions.

When those treaties were made, the astute British and American diplomatists did not suppose the right of residing iu foreign countries would ever be availed of, beyond a limited extent, by so conservative and exclusive a people as the Chinese. They were mistaken; for the position and condition of California and the Australasian Colonies, not many vears after the ratification of the treaties, attracted Chinese immigrants to both countries in large numbers. Now, though John Chinaman is industrious, expert, obedient, inoffensive, thrifty, and, except in opium smoking and gambling, is fairly temperate, he can never become a true colonist. His social habits and certain nameless vices render him altogether unfit to form a portion of any Anglo-Saxon community. In addition he is very obnoxious to white workingmen, on the ground, than he works for much lower wages that they are willing to accept, or can exist upon. But, though white workingmen doubtless oppose the introduction of Chinese mainly on the wages question, there lies, I think, below that, another influencenot so apparent, but nevertheless a very real force, namely, tho racial instinct of self-preservation. In California, popular discontent has frequently manifested itself in outrages. One of these outrages occurred a few months before my visit to the States, at Rock Springs, a small coalmining town ou the Union Pacific Railroad, when thirty Chinese miners were killed in an affray. This outrage called forth strong representations from the Emperor of China. It is clear that such a condition of things caenot long continue. I understand tlu\t Chinese immigration into the United States has been prohibited for 10 years. Notwithstanding the necessity for such a measure, I confess I canuot see its legality, if treaty rights are to be respected. In the Australasian colonies £10 per head is levied on every Chinaman lauded. The strong and growing determination of the people of both countries to prevent the admission of tho Chinese cannot safely be disregarded. In thi», as in some other instances, though I by no means accept tho saying " That the voice of thepecplo is the voice of God," still, I think the demand of the great majority of the people ■■'for. the exclusion of .the Chinese, absolutely right—apart "• from treaty obligations. In one form ; or 1 another this demand must eventually be conceded.

Looking at the fact that, behind these first Chinese immigrants, there lies a nation of four hundred millions of Mongolians, wliioh, if not prevented, may, and probably will, overrun large portions of the United States and the Australasian Colonies with vast hordes of Mongolian invaders, who may so change these new countries as to replace their homelike, vigorous, Anglo-Saxon life by a hideous hybrid development of a Mongolian type, making these fair lands nothing better than Chinese colonies; in short, repeating in a hundred cities, the horrors of Chinatown in San Francisco.

If there be even a possibility of this fore-cast becoming a reality in the future, it is abundantly necessary to adopt vigorous measures to prevent such a calamity.

It appears to me that", an arrangement between the respective Governments to limit the annual immigration of Chinese into the United States and Australasia to the number of Americans and English entering China, in each year, as residents, would settle the present difficulty, and prevent the future danger, without resorting to the abrogation of the treaties. If such a remedy be found Impracticable, then, however important the tea trade, the opium trade, or the general trade of China may be to the respective nations, I think the question is of such paramount importance that, if the people of the United States and the Australasian colonies do their duty, they will, at all costs, demand the abrogation of the treaties.

VESERATIOX. In both the United States and the Australasian colonies, Veneration is in danger of becoming a "lost" emotion. Respect for Authority, and the virtue of Obedience are steadily ceasing to influence large numbers of young men and women. This dangerous development is, I think, greatly due first to the rampant democracy current both in the United States and in the British colonies, and, second, to the Atheistic philosophy so much in fashion in our limes. To whatever cause the decay of veneration, of respect for authority and of obedience may be due, it is directly developing " larrikinisrn " and " hooUiunism," and destroying religious .-etuiments and parental authority. SON DAY DKShCILATIOX. "Thoushalt rest on tin; Sabboth day " is a command which, many people, in our times, ignore or dixpise. The way in which European Continental people their Sundays, being contrary to AngloSaxon instincts and habits, is beyond the province of this paper. lam writing for the English-speaking race, and I venture to think that the English-speaking race —more especially iu America—in their

dovotion to wh;it, they oonfiiler tho demands which competition and the requirements of trade maito upon thorn are gradually drifting into n 'condition of unceasing toil, highly 1 detrimental not only to emotional and spiritual life, but to oil healthy mental and phy.-ieal life. A (juiet Sunday, a "day of rest," in these days of mental strain and overwork, without touching on its religious aspect, is more a necessity than in any previous period. Is was not for nothing that every 7th day was set apart as a " rest day " and. enforced as a religious duty. In tho lax ideas of the present day, "religious duty" is becoming, to many, a term of no obligation, and witli out meaning. In the philosophic slang of the hour the " Almighty," is spoken of as a "Force," an " Energy," If, indeed, He. is considered to exist at all. In old times " the fool said in his heart, there is no God." In our day, the philosopher, though he says that he knows nothing, yet tells us the same thing as the fool of ancient time.

Those who hold these opinions may disregard a religious duty, may refuse obedience to the Word of the Lord. But, ignore a law of God, as they fancy they may, they cannot disregard with impunity the "natural law " which imposes a regularly recurring " day of rest'' as au absolute requirement for a healthy mental and physical life. In America, notwithstanding the existence of a vast number of sober-minded, good-living, God-fearing people, therte is manifested to any careful observer a' most decided tendency to ignore Sunday as a "day of rest. - ' Work, work, work, on week-day and Sunday, is becoming a general habit among large numbers. of people. Iu many of the cities, diinking saloons, billiard rooms, theatres, and many shops or stores of various kinds, are open on Sundays as on week days. In -many districts the mines and reducing mills follow a similar practice. All the railroads, I think, run on all days alike. As an American said to me, "Why, sir, we cannot afford to waste (?) Sunday ; we must work or 'go under.'" Another—something of a pagan, I think—drawing out a dollar, and directing attention to the legend " In God we trust," said, " We Americans worship the 'almighty dollar,' are of opiniou that the word 'this' has been omitted in the legend, which ought to read, ' In thi-s God we trust' " Without accepting such pagan ideas as being very general, it is, I think, evident that the possession of wealth, the pursuit of luxury and pleasure, and the general practice of overwork, are being pursued with such a resolute and silent energy, that a condition of society is in danger of being developed more like the debauched paganism of the Claudiau age of Imperial Rome than what ought to be the outcome of the nineteenth century of the Christian era, in Republican America. In the midst of so much drifting away from Laws, both Divine and natural, it was a great satisfaction to me to have the privilege, in every great city I visited, of hearing the Gospel preached to great congregations of earnest and devout men aud women, by eminent divines with an earnest love of their work, and eminently qualified to do it.

So long as there are men so full of marked intellectual power, so animated by deep religious fervour, so courageous in their proclamation of cjati's duty to his fellow and to his God, tTi>ce is hope for the Nation.