THE GERMAN PARLIAMENT.

Waikato Times, Volume XXVIII, Issue 2286, 5 March 1887, Page 2

THE GERMAN PARLIAMENT.

GERMANY DESIRES PEACE. Ireuter's TELEGRAMS. 1 [Received March 4th, 11 a.m J Buiu.in, March 3. The newly-elected Reichstag was formally opened to-day, and the speech of the Emperor on the occasion stated that the policy of the Government would bo continually directed towards upholding peace with all powers, especially with the immediate neighbours of Germany, and peace would be best promoted by the Reichstag expressing the national will with regard to the Bill for the increase of the army. GERMANY'S POLICY. The Army Bill. PRINCE BISMARCK'S SPEECH. The London Weekly Times of the 14th January contains an extended telegraphic report of the proceedings in the Reichstag on the 11th and 12th of the same month. From this we make some extracts.

Count Moltke, who was first in order of the speakers on the 11th said, among other things:—" If in the existing political tension any State at all is in a position to secure the continuance of peace it is Gcr many, who is not directly interested in the questions that agitate the other Powers ; Germany, who ever since the Empire came into existence has shown that she will attack no neighbour, unless that neighbour actually compels her to do so. But, gentlemen, in order to carry out this difficult and perhaps thankless r6le Germany must be strong and well equipped for war. Should we then be dragged into a war against our will we should have the means of carrying it on. Should the demands of the Government be refused, gentlemen, then war would be quite certain." The speech, especially the last sentence in the paragraph quoted above, produced a sensation.

The Chancellor commenced his speech by remarking that the motives of the Government were approved by all military authorities in Germany, and then went on to say The policy of the Emperor has been for 10 years pacific, and it is so now. It is true that His Majesty has been compelled to wage two great wars, but these wars were the inherited, historical results of preceeding centuries. You will not deny that the Gordian knot, under which lay the national right of the Germans—the right as a great nation to live and to breathe —could only be cut by sword, and that the French war was only the completion of the military struggles by virtue of which German unity and the national life of the Germans were created. From these wars it is impossible to infer a desire for fighting. AVe have no warlike needs; we belong to what the old Prince Metternich called the 'Saturirte Staaten.' We have no needs for which we must draw the sword. If further proof be necessary, I ask you to look back on the peace-loving character — I speak now to foreign countries as well as to the Reichstag —of the Imperial policy of the last sixteen years. After the Frankfort peace our first need was the maintenance of peace as long as possible, so that it might be used for the consolidation of the German Empire. This task was no light one. In the Reichstag itself it was then represented that we had brought about a situation which made another war very imminent. Some people spoke of four and even three years. But, gentlemen, we have been able to preserve peace for 1(3 years. We have rocognized it as our duty to conciliate as much as possible those States with which we had been at war, and with Austria we have been entirely successful."

The Prince declared that the relations subsisting between Germany and Russia were most cordial, and added significantly " We shall have no disputes with Russia unless we pro to Bulgaria to seek'them." Referring the sympathy expressed by the German Press for Prince Alexander, he said it was a matter of perfect indifference to Germany who ruled in Bulgaria. The friendship of Russia was of more importance than that of Bulgaria. The task of Germany was to maintain the peace between Russia and Austria. Ever since the French war, the Government had tried to make France become reconciled to them, but he did not know whether they had been as successful there as in the East. "In any case " he continued "the present situation intheEast only would never have induced us to come before you with a measure such as this." The Chancellor disclaimed any desire to go to war with France, and declared that Germany had no cause for war. The. frontier question was the only thing likely to produce war. It had created a war in every generation. If France were to remain at peace until Germany attacked her then peace would be assured for ever. But admitting the probability of France making an effort to recover the lost provinces, the Chancellor said the best guarantee for peace would be the placing Germany in a position to repel the attack. He pointed out that France had doubled her army, and tripled her reserves, and always granted what the Government wanted in the shape of military outlay with the greatest readiness and devotion. He drew a forcible picture of the probable effect of a French Victory over Germany. In his opinion such a victory would mean the cession of all territory westward of the Rhine, the loss of Schleswig and Hanover, and probably German Poland.

The Paris correspondent of The Times, referring to the speech, writes on the 12th : —Never was a speech awaited here with more feverish interest, not even a speech to be delivered in Trance, than was shown concerning Prince Bismarck's yesterday. It being known, however, that lie would conjure up the bugbear of an eventual war between France and Germany in order to carry his Army Bill, the expression of opinion here is very sober. Prince Bismarck is considered to have spoken very plainly, and he may have been quite sincere, for, having the fixed idea of a fresh struggle with France, it is not surprising, despite his force of character, that he exaggerates the fear of it. Nevertheless the speech, people having been prepared for it, has not made the bad impression which might have been apprehended. To increase the German Army in order to face an eventual attack by France, and to declare that Germany will never be the assailant— these-things constitute a guarantee of peace, especially as Russia is shown by the speech to have abandoned all idea of alliance with France, and as the obstinately disputed agreement between Germany and Russia really exists. A telegram from St. Petersburg of the same date says:—Prince Bismarck's speeches, as telegraphed, give no gratification to the Russian unofficial Press after that of M. Flourens in Paris, which is lauded to the skies as another proof of the sympathy and community of interests between Russia and France. Prince Bismarck's assurauces are still received by the Novoe Neremya, Novosti, and other journals with the greatest .scepticism and mistrust. The idea, emanating from Constantinople, of Turkey's intention to propose the German Emperor as a kind of arbitrator in the Bulgarian difficulty is scouted by the Russian Press as unworthy of the dignity of Russia, and the importance of her interests involved.