THE SAN FRANCISCO MAIL.

Waikato Times, Volume XXVII, Issue 2192, 27 July 1886, Page 2

THE SAN FRANCISCO MAIL.

Thk R.M.S, Mararoa arrived at Auckland on Saturday, with the Jlliiglisli ami American mails via San Francisco. Krom ! our exchanges we make the following extracts :—: —

Foreign Opinion on Home Knl« <ii< rely in.n ' • tli j>. o_re&s of H jiim ii w. >m o sitting or elementary handling of tho sun ject was to be expected of this Parliament. And of whatever complexion the new House may be politic-ally, it will at least have the merit of knowing its mind on Home Rule. During the interval between the dissolution— which all agree in expecting — and the general election, nothing but the Irish question will be discussed. Every candidate must stand or fall by his attitude towards Home Rule. The general political advantiges of a House chosen thus in the daylight, upon clearly drawn issues, are obvious. It seems probable that the advantages to the rational demands of Ireland will be equally manifest. The temperate, logical tone of Mr Parnell's speech last night, as contrasted with the exaggerated vituperation of Mr Goachen'a closing appeal to ! prejudice, must add to the weight of the popular conviction which all cateful observers discern on Mr Gladstone's side. The improved organization of the new voters, and the force ot the Irish electorate in England and Scotland, thrown this time where it belongs, will be powerful elements in achieving that great Hnal victory ovpr class intolerance, religious narrowness, and race violence which the coming election promises." The New York World regrets the result ; but considers that Mr Gladstone has no one to blame so much for his defeat as himself. It proceeds :—: — "He antagonized Mr Chamberlain too far when he might easily have been paoified in the earlier stages of the con liict by judicious flattery. The Radical leader's ideas were sensible, and Mr Gladstone would have done much better had he taken them into serious considera- ' tion. Clause 24 was universally condemned. It even frightened Mr Glad- ■ stone's own supporters, besides giving a handle to the Tories, who saw m tho exclusion of the Irish from Westminster the first stop towards the final separation of Ireland from Great Britain. It is a pity that Mr Gladstone should not have allowed himself to be convinced of the necessity of the obliteration of this obnoxious clause from the Bill. Had he done so, the result of last night would certainly have been different, and Mr Chamberlain would not to day have the pleasure ot knowing that even his pigmy strength was sufficient to wreck the Government. " While by no means supporting the Radical leader's later absurd pretensions, or accepting his attitude as either dignified or statesmanlike, we cannot but come to the conviction that Mr Gladstone would have done wisely, considering the vastness of the interests at stake, had he sacrificed the smaller in order to obtain , the greater. But he chose to be as stubborn as his foe ; and we have to record the death of the bill ; and to this we must add the postponement of Home Rule for Ireland for some years, unless the new elections — which cannot be long delayed, even if the Government decide to resign in favour of a H-u-tington coalition — result in unexpected changes in the opinions entertained by the average British voter on the capacity of Irishmen to rule themselves." The New York Tiibune describes the rapid progress of the Home Rule movement :—: — " Seven months ago there was not an English st'itesma' or noli*' hi ;o; o f oouied Hi n. ,v m : ,u , u ght the Konsp ot '>m iu 11 '" 'v* !- " ' ' nearl}' even between a<.i\.ouau,& ana v, j< nents of the Nationalist cause. So rapid is the march of events where a leader of unrivalled courage and authority gives the signal for an advance. Mr Gladstone had to do in England and Scotland what Mr Parnell had already done in Ireland — create, educate, and discipline a Home Rule party. Mr Gladstone has not succeeded as he had hoped ; but he has formed a powerful Home Rule party. With numerous defections, the great body of Liberals has rallied f o his support, and sanctioned his Irish policy." The 2\cw York Herald says : — ''The end is not yet. The people are to be heard from. The campaign, on which England now enters will be the most interesting and exciting in her history. It will be a battle of giants. The masses of Ireland appeal for local selfgovernment to the men of their own class throughout the United Kingdom. The decision of Westminster may be revised by tho popular will. There is little doubt that Home Rule is one of the certainties of the future. All the conditions of tinal success are visible. A short time ago Home Rule was in the obscurity of disgrace ; to-day the nations of the globe are discussing it. Then it took the shape of persistent obstruction ; I ist night a slender majority ot 30 voted ag.nn.Mt it. The avalanche cannot be stayed. Once started it must proceed to its destination ti eland may Hud it hard to be patient ; but patience is another word for success. The darkest hour is just before dawn." The ban Froitciuo X< «•» Letter says : — " One effect of the debate on the defeated Home Rule measure is as noticeable as it U significant. We refer to the wry perceptible change in the tone of the liish Nationalists. The debate has made it quite clear that Ireland is not the down-trodden, oppressed and enslaved country which they have hitherto believed her to be ; that to-day she enjoys self government and ropresentathe institutions to as great an extent as do England or Scotland ; that, indeed, they have no legitimate cause to grumble at the Government under which they live, chough they may have ample grounds for which to change the system upon which it is administered. When the average Irish Nationalist gets his mind well satuated with this idea, in conjunction with a comprehension of the further fact that the passage of a Home Rule Bill and the establishment of an Irish Parliament will not turn Ireland into an absolute paradise, then there will be hopes of his ceasing to offcud common intelligence by the absurdity of his sentiments." The Debats (Paris) says :- "Ireland can no longer be given bones to guard. It is a life and death question which has to be solved. The choice is between armed repression aud concilliation. We already smell the powder of civil war and the dynamite of social war. Xi> doubt England is the stronger. She can recommence the conquest. She can carry out the programme of the Conservative leader— that is, submit Ireland for 20 years to the penitentiary system, and expatriate one or two millions of men at the cost of the State. Übi solituihnem fnriutit paccm appellant. After this peace what will you do with the desert ?" The Republique Franchise (Gambettist) says :— "The Iri^h question will imtne \\ww\\ assume an eKtivmeiy icu v di »> n-u • Disappointed \\\ th • bi>j>. >> Wt >//_ ut of their isle, and of tj ramuzmg in then turn i>ver the Ulster Orangemen, the Nationalists will probably not shriuk from excesses of which the Belfast and j I Kerry disturbances are precursors, j The too probable aud too intelligible outrages will excite the wrath of the English and Scotch. Tho animosities of race and religion will thus be displayed in all their fierceness in face of a provisional Government, and the elections will be held amid this animosity. When a Minister raises ptoblems of such incalculable bearing, when without having prepared public opinion for them he proposes measures which on the one hand excite almost senseless hopes, and on the other disquiet the national feeling as to the country's safety, he ought to be quite sure of succeeding, and of succeeding speedily A surgeon who undertakes a perilous opera Won without its being imperatively re«

cjuirwl by the patients cjtidition, and who cannot bring it to an end, incurs severe cetiMiic, while he leaves hia pitieut n <i condition of aggravated hiiferiiig. The article still more strongly condemns M( Gladstone tur fracturing 'he very spiiuga of Government by irre(ttribly disorganising his party. The Mate Frew iV/-A, (Vienna) in "P 'k ;,' ot the opposition to the Bill, | siys t-iat tuid cntury has not Jwitnefiid such a remarkable sight as that on Mon- • > night, when those who formerly fontriif- bitterly against one another becumu foi the moment of one heart and one soul, feeling only tli.it they were Englishmen, and were bound not to sanction a law which did honour to the humanity of its author, but winch shook the foundations of the British Constitution. With reference to Mr comparison of the autonomy of the nationalities in Am>tiia- Hungary with the proposed leforms in li eland, the writer considers that even the Austrian Go\ eminent will be surpiised at Mr 1 Gladstone's statement that it is local autonomy which keeps together the Austiian State. There is not, indeed, he sa>s, one member of the Government i patty who will belie\e this assertion. As to Mr Gladstone's intention to dissolve i Parliament, he adds that the Premier's obstinacy in not confessing that he is beaten, and in not submitting his resignation, makes the existence of the Liberal paitv impossible for bomc time to come; tor at the now elections it will not be a question of choice between Conservatives and Liberals, but between those who are for or against Home Rule. The writer closes with the following words :—: — "It the old statesman had but one touch of the mind of Cincinnatus, he would retire quietly into the green solitude of Hawarden ; but we are afraid that he prefers to play the part of a Parliamentary Coi'iolutuis." The Morgcn Post aaya that Mr Glad* stone, in quoting the autonomy existing in Austria as an example for Irelaud, shows bus ignorance both of the condition and of the Constitution of Austria. He is advised to glance at Hungary, in which country it baa been shown within the last few days how little autonomy is able to strengthen the feeling of unity in the Empire. The WUncr AVgemelnc ZtUung begins its leading article with the words, "Stiandcd, but not foundered," and reminds us that half a century ago O'Connell, in claiming repeal of the Union, had the vote of only one Englishman ; while on Monday night more than 200 Englishmen went into the lobby with the Irish members. It believes, with Mr Gladstone, that the future will be his. The Clerical Gcrman'ui remarks that it is an easier matter to throw out a Bill than to take the helm of affairs. It thinks the verdict of the country as uncertain as the issue of the fateful division was, but adds that even if the elections be agaiust Home Rule Mr Gladstone will not fall ingloriously, for events will prove him to have been in the right. The Dirrtto (Rome) says :—: — "To us, and we believe to all English patriots, the indissoluble union of Ireland with England and Scotland is of the highest importance. The three countries form together the glorious State which therefore we c*ll the United Kingdom. Every attempt to weaken or dissolve that political union constitutes for us a weakening of the power of England. From the Italian point of view it is necessary that the power of England should not be in the least degree weakened, because from the maritime alliance between England and Italy aiises the most efficacious guaiantee of the freedom of the seas."