MR. CHAMBERLAIN AND THE GOVERNMENT PROPOSALS.

Waikato Times, Volume XXVII, Issue 2182, 3 July 1886, Page 2 (Supplement)

MR. CHAMBERLAIN AND THE GOVERNMENT PROPOSALS.

The following correspondence has taken place between Mr Chamberlain and ( Mr T. H. M.P. :—"* "1 ; - . • '-V House of Conimons, 6tli Mtiy, IsB6. "Dear Mr Chambeiluin, — The general impression umongst Liberals in the constituency which 1 represent is that, having regard to Mr Gladstone's receut letter, the second reading of the Government of lieland Bill will amount only to tho affirmation of the principle of Home Rule in Ireland, and that after the second loading and in committee of tho House the question as to the letentiou of Irish representatives iv the Impel ial Parliament will be left open for consideration, and that Mr Gladitono will then be ready to meet the wishes of yourself and many others on the point. I therefoie venture to a&k you, as one of the acknowledged leaders of the advanced section of the Liberal party, whether you would bo prepared to support the second reading ot the Bill if it were made clear that the Bill is read a second time upon this understanding, and so help to bring about a reunion of all Liberals, who, while desirous to gi ve to the Irish people full control over Irish affairs, are at the fkiuie time determined to their utmost to preserve the supremacy of the, Parliament of the IJuited Kingdom.— l remain, yours very faithfully, T. H. Bolton.— To the Right Hon. J. Chamberlain, M.P." "40, Princes-gardens, S.W., May 7th, 18SU. Dear Mr Bolton, — I sincerely trust j that the impression which you say prevails j among your friends as to the intentions 6iP the Government in regard to their Irish policy may prove to be correct, and' that the Prime Minister may tiow be willing to' meet the strong and growing desire anjpng his followers for the maintenance of. the Imperial Parliament as the supreme representative .authority for tbje United Kingdom.; In this case, I (or one shall gratefully accept the concession, . and should give my vote for the second reading with the hope that the further charges which will locally follow this alteration would be worked out in committee. But I am unable to find in Mr Gladstone's latest manifesto any assurance to this affect. He says, indeed, that the only question in debate is as to whether wo-wili have regard to the prayer of Ireland ioc the management by herself of tto^dflfairs especially and exclusively her o\Vh. * I may observe, !in passing, that if geographical considerations are to yield to pbpul»r sentiment, it appears i to vie that the prayer < of the Protestant Ulster for separate consideration ia entitled, to at least .equal attention to that which has been given to the demands of the population represented by Mr Parnell. The fate, however, of this province is in the hands of its own people, and if they are really in earnest in refusing | to entrust their liberties 'and fortunes to ! the control of a Central Parliament in i Dublin, it is not likely that their fellow- ■ subjects in England and Scotland will suffer them to- be coerced into submission. Assuming, then, that the separate treatment of Ulster is admitted to be an open question, which will ultimately be decided in accordance with the wished of the Ulster population, there remain two principles in the Bill as it stands which I regard as vital. The first is 1 the principle of autonomy, to which I am able to give a hearty assent. The second is involved in the method of giving effect to this autonomy. In the Bill the Government have proceeded on |the lines of separation or of Colonial independence, whereas, in ray humble judgment, they should have adopted the principle of federation as the only one in accordance with democratic aspiration and experience. The key of the position is the maintenance of the fnll representation of Ireland in tho Imperial Parliament, and of her full responsibility for all Imperial affairs. This is nqt a detail which can be safely left to the hazards of committee. It is a point of supreme importance, which ought to be decided on the threshold of the discussion. The extension of Home Rule to Scotland and Wales, and to other parts of the United Kingdom, depends on the maintenance of the united representation of the three countries in one supreme Parliament. The hope— it may be only a distant one, but it has infinite attractions — of drawing more closely together the great dependencies of the British Crown, and of welding them into a mighty and harmonious empire, rests on the determination to resist in their inception all separatist tendencies, and to maintain one Central Parliament for the protection of the common interests of all who claim their part m the imperial organisation. The alternative in the present Bill has rendered necessary the anomalies and restrictions which no' true Liberal can approve. It has produced a halting measure, which offers no reasonable prospect; of finality and settlement; but only a fulprum for future agitation. It has bronght us within measurable distance of civil war in Ireland, and threatens iis with the ultimate creation of a foreign and hostile nation, whose re-cOnquest is actually contemplated as a possible eventuality by the promoters of the Very measure which will deprive us of all power and authority 'of interference. As loner as there is uncertainty on matters of such paramount interest, it is impossible for those who value the unity of the Empire, as the only guarantee for the, peace and welfare, of }ts several parts, to approve the principle of the Government of Ireland Bill : but if, as you anticipate, the Prime Minister should find himself in a position to make the concession which has been pressed upon him by so many of his most earnest and f loyal supporters, I share your hope that the present imminent danger ot a fatal breach in the, ranks of the Liberal party may be happily averted. ,1 am, yours very faithfully, J. Chamberlain.— T. H. Bolton, Esq., M.P."