MR WHITAKER AT CAMBRIDGE WEST.

Waikato Times, Volume XVII, Issue 1465, 22 November 1881, Page 2

MR WHITAKER AT CAMBRIDGE WEST.

The above-named candidate for election to Waipa. addressed a meeting of the Pukerinou, Pukekiuu and Cambridge West electors in the school-house, Cambridge West the evening of Saturday. Despite the fact that the weather was most; unpropitious, rain having fallen heavily throughout the day the attendance of electors from the neighboring' settlements was large — upwards of eighty being present — and the proceedings throughout were unanimous and enthusiastic. Mr John Fisher, Pukerimu, was elected chairman and who on introducing the candidate bespoke a patient hearing. Mr Whitaker who was greeted with applause remarked that this was the first occasion a candidate for their support had addressed them in this part of the district. It was satisfactory for him to think he was the first candidate upon wh jm that duty had devolved and he congratulated them upon the fact evincing as it did the prosperity and growing importance of the district (Applause). He had as they were no doubt aware contested the Waipa seat on tws previous occasions and it was a matter of satisfaction for him to reflect that on each of these occasions this district had accorded to him a large amount of support. If returned as he hoped to be he could assure them that he would discharge the important trust re-imposed in him with the same earnestness and diligence which he had dune during last Parliament. (Applause). He was in a different position from the three otb.es candidates before them soliciting their suff erage. He had only just as it were been discharged from their service. Two of the others it was true had been returned by this electorate and had served them for sometime but, that was some years ago. The third had never been in Parliament at all. Under these circumstances it be* came him to touch upon the past, but he would do bo very lightly. It had been stated or rather written, of the addres3 he had already delievered, that it contained some milk and a great deal of water, before he had done he hoped to be able to show them that in the events of the last two years a good deal of cream had been brought to the surface of the milk, although perhaps that fact may have inadvertently escaped the Vigilance of hie commentator. (Laughter aud applause). He ventured to say that in no nation of the world had the banie important work been done, in such a short space of time, as had been achieved by the Mew Zealand Parliament. They had achieved by dint or constitutional reform since the year 1879, what in many nations of the earth had involved, years and years of turmoil, aye and even bloodshed itself, and it was no ainall satisfaction for him to reflect that he had asßioted in forwarding that great work. (Applause). It was indeed a great work — & work the full importance of which they had not yet had time to realise. Still it wa? a great work — a work which would elicit the praise and gratitude of generations to come They had established a liberal platform, they had laid the foundation for free institutions, every man under certain wise restriotions had been secured, a voice, in the making of their laws and bv that means they weie enabled to have their abuses rectified and bring about those great reforms which in former times involved the slaughter of kings and no end of anarchy and rebellion. (Applause). It was in view of such facts as these that he contei dad a good deal of cream had come to the surface of the milk. Subject to a reasonable residential clause, every man had secured the franchise. That of itself was a great event in the history of the colony, the more bo when they bore m mind it had been brought to pass since the year 1879. Again, they had secured triennial parliaments, Under the old regemiue, the colonial Parliament extended over a term of five years. Under the more recent legislation thafc term had been restricted to three. In a new country whose population was subject to so much change, resulting from immigration and other influxes of population, a restriction of that kfnd beoame absolutely necessary, otherwise a large proportion of the population were bound to remain disfranchised for an unreasonable length of tune. The Re-distribu-tion of Seats Bill was next referred to. When soliciting their sufferages he promised that ho would support a measure of that kind framed upon a population basis. A bill of that nature M'aa brought down, and he had supported it, and so firmly was he convinced of the wisdom of its provisions, that if he had to vote again he would vote the &arne way. As showing the unfairness of the representation previously in operation, ho instanced the electorates of Colling wood in Nelson, and Colndge in Canterbury. The former contained a population ot 1600 and the latter 14,000, and yet they were equally represented, both returning one member. That was> not a fciir adjustment, and good institutions could not be permanently baaed upon such a foundation. It was in view of facts like these he gave the Representation Bill his unqualified support. He had heard a great deal of talk about the north having been left out in the cold by this measure, in consequence of a certain number of members in excess having been provided for the south. That talk about the north and the south was a thing ho knew nothing about. It was true that there was a geographical line — Cook Straits — between the two islands, but in Cook Straits there was no political boundary line constituted between the two islands. .Between Wellington in the North Island and Blenheim Nelson and the West Coast — Grey mouth and Hokitika— there was more commercial intercourse, more community of interest then there was, or over did, or was ever likely to exist between Wellington and Auckland. Then again, between Auckland and Otagoand Carterbury, relations of that kind were just as strong, if not more so, than between Wellington and Auckland. It was in the year 1871 he had an opportunity of listening to a really clever, although unfortunate man's — the late Mr E. Wakefield — remarks upon that very point, and he had been much struck by a sense of their force as well as their vigour. ' ' You call,'* exclaimed Mr Wakefield, " this division," referring to the straits, " a boundary line between the two islands. I say it is not a division in that sense of the word at all. It is simply a highway by which the various settlements of the colony are connected to and placed in communication with each other. An a matter of fact, the Nelson and West Coast members are not in any sense of the word connected with those of Canterbury and Ofcago." That view of the subject he believed was the correct one, and as such it knocked the theory about North and South, as separate interests on the head. Again, it had been objeoted thafc the Maori population had not been taken into account in the estimate made of the North Island population. Along with Mr John Sheehan and other Auckland members he had taken a very active part in connection with that point. They had gone to the Maoris and pointed out to them that if they would forego the special representation it woi44 to the uwaus of «wuria§

outside representatives. There was a Maori population of 30,000 who would be affected by that change, and if they had been willing to forego their special representation to that extent, instead of four members they would have had a voice in the return of six. Under the special representation they had a right to vobe for four members. That fact was fully explained to them, but they would not agree to the proposal. They were willing enough to take the additional representation, but they could not be prevailed upon to forego any portion of the special. It was solely on that account that they were not included in the basis, and after the explanation given they would see that it would never have done to have included natives in tbe computation. The Election Petitions, Corrupt Praotioes Prevention, and Codification of Statutes were next referred to, and their bearings and effect upon the administrations of the country explained and commented upon, the latter being more especially extolled as a public boon, and one which would enable the public to interpret the law without the necessity of referring to a lawyer, at least to the extent at present requiring to be done. The Chinese Immigration Restriotion Bill was also referred to as a most important measure, and in doing so the speaker quoted the following extract from a speech made by him o;i the subject when the bill was before Parliament : — " It in argued that Chinese immigration is necessary in order to have cheap labour for the creation of capital. I dissent entirely from this view, and do so upon one grand broad principle. I differ as to what the wealth of a nation is. It is probable that these gentlemen belong to the school of political economy which considers that wealth must be judged in proportion to the accumulation of specie in the country. They consider that the accumulation of money and specie U the revenue of a nation. That is one school of political economy. I belong to the other school, which believes that the wealth of a nation consists in having the greatest number of its inhabitants enjoying the largest amount of prosperity. I am not prepared to introduce a number of foreigners with the manners, habits, and customs of the Chinese, for the purpose of making a few men rich and who will drive away from the country its real bone and sinew. I know that some persons may say that this is clap-trap, but I say it is a great principle which has been discussed of late years, and which is gradually coming more before the public, that the wealth of a State does not cousist in the accumulation of specie, but in the greatest amount of happiness of the greatest number of its inhabitants. If we coma to this question of wealth in respect to accumulation of money alone, what more do we want than the wealth Great Britain has accumulated. There are many millions of accumulated wealth there made by the energy, the bone and sinew of the Anglo-Saxon race and not by the introduction of the Chinese or any other foreign race. The return shows that we are already progressing very | materially in the direction of accumulated wealth in this country solely by our own efforts. I think we are progressing quite fast enough without attempting to hurry it by this objectionable form of immigration. Any person who has attempted to follow the history of Chinese immigration in San Francisco I and Melbourne mwsfr he satisfied th&t there is some sound argument, and not clap-trap in saying that the Chinese do introduce unknown moral and social diseases amongst us." (Loud applause). These were the remarks he made when the bill came before Parliament, aud he was very glad to say that this very necessary measure passed through all its stages most successfully. (Applause). ■ The colonial finances were next touched upon by the candidate. The revenues of 1879 showed an appreciable deficiency on those of the preceding year. So utterly indifferent had the late Government become to consequences that although the interest, etc., on their bonds and debentures were on the eve of becoming due no provision whatever had been made at London to meet these liabilities. A more critical and alarming state of things, and one which showed utter recklessness could hardly be imagined. The colony was brought to the very brink of ruin. Had their coupons I then about becoming due not been met — had they been returned dishonored, the commercial credit of the colony would have been blasted, and blasted in a way years of strict commercial integrity would not have been sufficient to retrieve. It would have been tantamount to an act of bankruptcy on the part of the colony, and once commit such an act it meant financial rnin, a ruin which 50 years years would not have set right. The position, he could assure them, in which they were then placed was a most critical one. In the prompt action which had to be taken when the real state of affairs was discovered, had the slightest accident occurred— the breaking down, or e^en temporary stoppage of the cable for example— their credit would have been destroyed, and New Zealand dishonored for e\ er. He thought he was justified in saying that there was never an English colony experienced a more narrow escape, nor did he believe that any other English-speaking community ever found itself reduced to such a critical strait. To meet the then existing deficiency, a variety of expedients had to be resorted to. Amongst other 3, direct taxation was resorted to. He might be allowed to make a short digression with the view of setting himself right with the public on one point. It had been alleged in a certain quarter, a quarter, certainly, which did not appear to be at all well versed in political matters, that, whereas he had pledged himself to support a reduction in the custom tariff, he had, in reality, leagued himself with a party by whom these customs duties had been increased by a sum of £250,000. Now, aa a matter of fact, if that were true, the customs revenue, which was under a million, would have been reduced 25 per cent. That would show them how very ridiculous, not to say reckless, the statements made against him in reality were. (Applause). Well, as he had stated, they had to meet a large deficiency. To meet that they imposed, first, in the form of direct taxation, a property-tax with a £500-exemption clause. Now, if they considered what that exemption really meant, they would surely see that it was not the doings of men who desired to exempt wealth at the expense of labour and the labouring classes. Then again, a beer tax had been imposed, out of which a sum of £80,000 was realised. He looked upon the consumption of beera3 a luxury, and as such it was fairly entitled to bear this incidence of taxation. That was his deliberate opinion, and he certainly would not go back upon his vote— most certainly he would not go back upon it for the purpose of obtaining further votes. A maa'B first duty was to provide for his wife and family, and after that if he had any money to spend, he was at liberty to spend it on luxuries, such luxuries as beer, therefore it was a fair and reasonable subject for taxation. (Hear hear, and applause). He would tell them another thing about the Government he had •upported. A number of their own supporters as well asjthe opposition, said: "Why do you insist upon this grinding tax upon property, when a penny or twopence more upon tea sad eugttr duties wonJkl

Borve the purpose. Why not do that and relieve property from this grinding taxation ?" To the credit of the Gov ernmont he (Mr Whitaker) said they absolutely refused to listen to any such propoaaf, and these duties were allowed to remain as they wera. He for one gave them most distinctly to understand he woutld not be a party to any such change, and he was happy to say that representations of that kind had the desired effect. (Applause). In that way the funds were got re-adjuated, and up to the present time the equilibrium has been maintained, and so far as they could see tho revenue at the present moment looked better than ever, The true principle of taxation was to make it bear as lightly as possible upon those who had not the means at their disposal, while it bore correspondingly heavy upon those who had them. Therefore the property tax was the fairest. It touched wealth on the one hand, and on the other the £500 exemption clause enabled the man struggling as it were to lay the foundation of his fortunes to go free. (Prolonged applause). So much then for the past. He had felt it to be his duty to put these facts belore them to show them the true character of the legislation upon which he had been engaged, as also to sho* to them that he had been true to his promises and faithful to his pledges when they generously reposed in him the confidence of their franchise. (Applause). With respect to the present, he desired to say a word in reference to the action taken by Government in connection with affairs on the West Coast. (Applause). He thoroughly endorsed the action taken by Ministers. He was one of those who on the previous occasion thought Mr Bryce's proposal premature ; he considered the time was inexpedient. Now, however, as events had transpired, he had no hesitation in saying that in that opinion he was wrong, and that Mr Bryce was right. Not only did he believe Mr Bryce was right then, but he also believed him to be right in the action he had now adopted. (Applause). In the first place, he argued it was not right for Government to sell land on the Waimate Plains, and take as much as £6 per acre, and then leave the purchasers in perpetua fear for the safety of their homes and properties. It was not alone the Government who was interested in defending these men in their rights. The Government was merely the active agent of the community at large, in other words the colony at large. Therefore, they as a community — as a colony — were bound to see that this defence was provided. The land was sold, the title guaranteed, therefore they were bound to make good the guarantee they had thus given. Every effort had been made to bring about a more peaceful solution of the difficulty. From theGovernordownwards, Te Whiti had been asked, nay even implored, to say what it was that he wanted. All they could get out of him was what — some nonsensical jargon about the "potato being cooked." (Laughter). As an Englishman, with English blood in his veins, he was the last man in the world who would think about oppressing a weaker race, but there was an end to everything like human endurance. Almost everyone supposed to bo possessed of any influence with the natives had gone to this man. MrSheehan had gone, likewise Sir F. D. Bell, Mr Parris. and others, but all that conld be got out of him was "the potato is cooked." It was a case of gross superstition, and it was quite impossible to say to what length the natives would be carried by the fanaticism. Bloodshed and slaughter might have been the result, and the whole plain* watered with the blood of these European settlers Such a dire result was possible, and it therefore behove Government to do as they had done, prepare themselves for the very worst. The action taken by the Government was, he submitted, deserving of every praise, looked at even as an act done in the interests of the weaker race themselves. He also approved of the lands being confiscated, although after the elapse of a few months, and the difficulty being completely solved, there would be no reason why a reasonable proportion of the land should not be again returned to the natives (Applause). Allusion was next made to the probabilities of Mr Ormond becoming head of a party. He (Mr Wiiitaker) considered him one of the most selfish politicians that could be found, and he had told him so to his face in the House. He had already told them in a speecli he made in 1880, and again before going to Wellington to attend in the late session that he believed Mr Ormond was only desirous of shifting the burden of taxation from off property and placing it upon any other incidence which would save his own private interests, as well as the interests of the class to which he belonged. It was not local self government he wanted. What he aimed at was to do away with direct taxation, and thereby escape from its burdens. In all probability an attempt in that direction would, if he (Mr Ormond) was returned, which he (Mr Whitaker) hoped would not be the case, would be again renewed. He had a few words to say about the future. In the first place he would remark that there was a little bill, a bill of not more than two clauses, one of which contained the whole gist of the provisions. It was named the Alienation of Lands Bill. In his opinion it was one of the most important measures that had been introduced into any British possession. -As the law stood in England, power was given to tic up land for an indefinite period. It enabled a man by will or settlement to tie up his Hnds during the re- | mainder of a life in being, and for a period of 21 years longer. Practically speaKing that enabled the possesion of land to oe tied up for a period of, say 80 years. More than that there was a power given for the person to whom the property was thus left in entail to enter into an arrangement with his son if he had one when he reached the age of 21 years, and by that means the period might be made almost undefinite. The exercise of these powers was the great operating cause by which landed property in Great Britain had accumulated in the hands of a few individuals. To get rid of that evil, two things were wanted. The first was the abolition of these settlements of land, and the second was cheap and easy facilities for transfer. The second of these requirements had been already secured by the Land Transfer Act. That was a most important measure for the poor man. They were still exposed to the dangers arising from the aforesaid settlements. The little bill referred to aimed w that direction, and would most completely revolutionise the whole of the feudal system. It gave power to any person inheriting these lands to sell them at any time. In that way, if a man left a property by will to his eldest son, as soon as he did attain to the age of 21 years, he was fully empowered to deal with the land just as if he had acquired it by his own means. [Applause). He ventured to say that that little bill did not receive the attention to which it was entitled. In France the abolition of entail had operated most beneficially, and had done much towards promoting the peasant- proprietor class. The aim was to make landed property as >cc in its sale and transfer as any other irticle of traffic ; in fact, bring it down ;o tho category of a commercial commolity. In England the feudal system had jiven to the possession of land a false respectability. The result of that was

made apparent by the nature of some of the transactions which took place in land. For instance, it was no uncommon thing to find a trader who had, say £100,000, invested in manufactures, which returned him as much as 10 per cent., withdrawing his capital and investing it in landed estate, which did not yield more than l£ or perhaps 2 per cent. But for that feudal sentiment of respectability — the prestige imputed to landlordism— no man would think of doing such a thing. If this bill passed it would be quite impossible for the abuses to occur in New Zealand which had taken place in England in connection with land. Combined with the property tax, it would be quite impossible for such abuses to find a footing in New Zealand. (Applause). The time last session dul not permit of the bill being gone on with, but it would, no doubt, be brought on again next session, and if he was honored with a seat in the House he would most undoubtedly give it his cordial support. Referring to local selfgovernment, he thought it was clear the road boards system was the form of administration most acceptable to the community as a whole, and in that respect lie was at one with the popular opinion. (Applause.) They would remember that during last session a good deal was said on this subject. There were at least five or six separate forms of local government proposed. Their neighbour, Mr W. A. Murray, was great on the point. Sir George Grey and Mr Ormond also brought forward bills dealing with the matter ; also, if his memory served him right, Mr Thomson, member for Clutha. Then again, Major Atkinson had another. As lie had said his opinion was in favour of the road board system, and if they were properly endowed he believed they would answer all the purposes, at all events to begin with. What they required was the money, and if they got that he quite believed they would be amply sufficient for all requirements of the case. (Ap2)lause.) He spoke a few words in support of a moderate form of protection. England and Scotland, with an area equal to Now Zealand had a population of 29 millions, whereas the population of New Zealand did not exceed 25,000. England could not produce enough for the requirements of puch a multitude, consequently protection would be death to her. Here, however, things were different. We produced more than enough food-supply, and we had an overplus for exportation. He illustrated his argument by the export wool trade. There were many present who grew wool, and they would be able to bear him out in what he said. First then, wool had to go through a commercial agent in to^n ; then it had to pass through the hands of the ship agents, then tho shippers. On reaching England it had to pass through the hands of a number of other agents before it reached the manufactories. Then it had to be made up and shipped to the colonies in the form of coats and cloths again passing through the hands of wholesale and retail dealers before it reached the hands of the consumer. All that meant commissions, carrages, freights, freight-dues, and endless collateral expenses, winch must of necessity, in the long run, fall to be borne by the consumer. That, of itself, showed the economy of local manufacture, and they would readily agree with him that its encouragement was a matter of great importance. On other giounds lie was strongly influenced in his opinion for the establishing of local manufactures, anclthis he looked upon as a still more important element in consideration of the question : They had a rising generation — a rapidly increasing population, whose future they were bound to look after. .Indeed, animal as well as vegetable life in New Zealand was most prolific, and the question was not unnaturally asked : What are we to do with our boys? The establishment of manufactures was necessary for their training and as outlets tor their labour. (Applause). Speaking of the future reminded him of one tlnng, and that was the necessity for a continued, vigorous retrenchment. Government, during the two years it had been in office had done good service in that direction. About the 10 per cent reduction, of which so much had been ' made. When it was carried it was distinctly [stipulated that it was only to last for one year, and that year having expired, it had now been restored. Theie was now no ten per cent reduction. It had become a thing of the pa9t. (Hear hear). He agreed in much that had been s.iid about the impropriety of making it an all round re- | duction ; and he was quite of opinion that in fairness a pro rata scale should have been applied. They must however rememember that the thins was thrust suddenly upon them. It was an exigency which had to bo proviped for as it were on the spur of the moment. There was no time for delay. A certain sum had to be- economised out of that expenditure, and that at onne. The thing 1 admitted of no delay consequently they had no alternative but to apply the pruning knife on what part come fust to hand. It was only for the one ye ir, and as a matter of fact it had only been made to apply to that one year. (Applause), In the matter of local works he had studied to do his duty. He had never hesitated to put his shoulder to the wheel on any or eveiy occasion that presented itself for benefitting his constituency. With 88 members it was not always easy to convince them of the importance of this on that matter of local requirment. Still he I was clear on one point and that was that he had secured for them a very fair share of the public expenditure. (Hear hear, and applause). He had always endeavored so far as possible to establish such relations with the House and his party as would ensure when the time came for him to speak on behalf of his constituents that his voice would not be unheard or his claim remain unanswered. These things were not done without labour and trouble. The man who laboured conscientiously for the good of his party was always sure to secure the ear of the House. It was, he could assure them, no child's play. He had been in attendance at his parliamentary duties both late and early. Indeed, it was quite a, usual thing for the sittings to be protracted to 2 and 3 o'clock in the morning. He had heard blame imputed to him for inattention in answering correspondence sent to him in relation to the affairs of the place. He could only say that if such was the case, it was the result of pure oversight. He had a great deal of correspondence to attend to, so much so that he found he was quite unable to overtake it single handed. He had spared no expense to fulfil all the duties that thus devolved upon him. He had, at his own private expense, secured the assistance of an amanuensis— indeed, the gentlemen, who acted as such, was in the room, and could testify to the truth of what he said— and every possible effort was used to give due attention to every scrap of correspondence received. Letters and communications were carefully filed and docquetted, either for attention or, as the case might be, as having been attended to. He mentioned these facts to show that every possible precaution had been adopted to get the work done, and done efficiently. Under these circumstances he could not possibly account for tho omissions attributed to him. His telegraphic despatches alone, during the session, had not cost less than £70 or £80. (Hoar hear, and applause). In his intercourse with Ministers on their behali, he took

credit to himself for having at all times maintained proper regard to the dignity of the district as well as his own dignity as their representative. He did not go cringing around Ministers, or keep oontinuallyj knocking at their back doors. He had laid the state of affairs before them in a straightforward manner, and had urged the requirements of their case in a manly way, and he wae glad to say that Government had invariably met him in a similar spirit. (Applause). Replying to a question put by Mr Fitzgerald, the oaudidato Baid ho was entirely in favour of the present system of education. He had not touched »pon the subject as he thoughthis views thereanent were perfectly well-known. (Applause). So strong was his opinion that, urgent as the claims of retrenchment were, he positively refused to be a party to any proposal for getting the education vote reduced. A covert attempt in that direction, however, had been made. Mr McOaughan, a Southland member, brought forward a motion to have the sum reduced to £50,000. That was, as he had said, a covert attempt to strike a blow at the whole system, and not for the mere purpose of retrenchment. He was glad the effort had been unsucessful, and so far as he was concerned he would vote for its maintenance as it was, during the next six or seven years at all events, or until such time as their educational policy had been completely established in the colony. It was a system of which they had much reason to be proud. (Applause). No other question having been put, Mr Francis Hicks (Pukerimu) moved, and Mr James Keely (Cambridge West) seconded the following resolution :—: — "Tins meeting desires to thank Mr Whi taker for the expression of his views this evening, and is of opinion, both from j the address just given, and from the zeal he has since his election as the representative of the district manifested in the promotion of the best interests of the colony as a whole and the electorate of Waipa in particular, that he is worthy of the continued confidence of the electors, and tins meeting pledges itself to use every exertion to secure his return." The motion for and against was put to the meeting, not a voice being given in the negative. The announcement that it was earned unanimously was greeted with prolonged applause. In returning thanks, Mr Whitaker said he did not expect such a very flattering vote— a vote he valued all the more highly from the fact that it had been passed without a dissenting voice. He hoped it was a prelude to the majority by which he would be returned, and that as their member during the ensuing Parliament he would prove worthy of their renewed confidence. A vote of thanks to the chair terminated proceedings.