THE HON. J OH N HA LL AT LESS TON.
The Hon. Jobn Hall addressed the electors of Selwyn in the Town Hall, Leeston. The hall was well filled by half-past seven o'clock, and Mr Bluett was elected to the chair. The Hon. John Hall said— Mr Chairman and gentlemen— l ought to apologise to you for the late period of the recess at which I address you, and also for the short, notice which I have been able to give of this meeting. I had intended to ask you to meet me at an earlier date, but on that day 1 was unfortunately ill in bed. That is the reason why I have not come before you sooner, but I came &$ soon as I could possibly do so. The same circumstance unfortunately renders it impossible for me to address my constituents in other parts of this district. My time will not admit it. I hope therefore that gentlemen resident in the localities referred tajWill \ H&dQf incase my breaking a pr3ctace"'wnicTf ifTias oe^n my custom to follow on these occasions. Before I j?o into general questions, there are one or two matters of local interest to which I should be glad to refer. lam deeply indebted to my constituents for the small entent to which they have asked me to advocate the local claims of the district I I represent. I believe there is no constituency in New Zealand which has been so considerate, or at least more considerate, in that respect tnan this one. lam sorry therefore that in the one or two mattery whißt^vouli^hmy W~W? L &%!1?& s «JwNM' O^ called to the necessiiy of a bridge across the Bakaia, at what is called Dobbies Ford. It is an exceedingly desirable work, and one which would be found of great benefit to a large part of this district. I know also that it has a claim upon the colonial exchequer as great as many other public works already carried out. But in the existing financial condition of the colony the Government are compelled to defer many works which are admittedly desirab'e, and therefore I cannot ask mv colleagues to appropriate mooe^tlraifr wc^kwg* JB^IOs possible the ttMtlhlfWfl ml^Akfltfovifed for if the Councils of the two counties between which the bridge is required obtain authority to lease bridge tolls for a given number of years. In that case some enterprising individual might be found to build the bridge. If that should be desired, my best efforts will be devoted to obtaining the necessary authority for the Council". (Applause.) The next question, gentlemen, is one which very seriously affects the occupiers and cultivators of laud in the southern parts ot the district;, namely, the question of the extent to which the present embankments at the south side of the Hakaia bridge are said to be endangering the protective works put,Dp;OiL 4he t north*- bji ¥^of that river. A swdrij^'opioionTli eiAertafced that the partial embankment across the river does great mischief to the works you have erected to protect the district from encroachment. I have examined tte place, and as far as I can judge, being a layman, that opinion is a correct one^ out the, rail-^ way engine'efs' havfngibeen"apSed to aider tine matter, ami. it as ttjeir opi|iojt that this wont- doesirot interfere wita^ttfeprotective works on this side. I think the best that could be done for your interests to be this, to induce the Government to agree that they shall appoint one engineer, that the North Eakaia Board of Conservators appoint another engineer, and^ tbjatftbqse; tW appoint a third to rep9*fc 3ogeinOT>upofa tne r question and say whether any wrong is being done to the district or not. lam glad to be able to say that the Minister for Public Works ha=? agreed to the course proposed, and proceedings to that end will be taken with the least possible delay. (Hear, hear). We shall then ascertain, from- au -independent and impartial tribunal, whether some alteration of the present work is necessary or whether it is not. And I hope, gentlemen, you will adroit that under all the circumstances I have done my best for you in that respect. (Applause.) Another matter I wiehtifepefrif: <atif tl|Kaftp%Wt^>n^b^ia^ beem m&letd me? morei wkkt onefe towAwri th.B erection of a post aud telegraph office in Leeston. Well, gentlemen, as lam Post-master-General, you may think your wants in this respect should not be neglected, and I admit they should not be neglected. But again I must tell you the existing financial condition of the colony compels us to postpone the work. lam afraid that while Ministers are preachiDg economy all over the country, it would hardly be considered satisfactory if they were to commence a work which may, for the present at any rate, very well be postponed. (Hear, hear.) And Ihopeyou will copsid/r jta} thoroughly reasonable' consiclerati&n for" the sHortnpss of the public funds that I am not able to promise that the work shall be undertaken.
MR HALL'S RESIGNATION IN THE UPPER HOUSE. Now, before going into the question of general politics I-musVr«er ttvo v one or two matters of a somewhat personal character. (Applause.) You will lecollect then when I addressed you on a former occasion I endeavoured to refer as little as possible to Sir George Grey. I whhed to treat that gentleman with the greatest possible consideration, for reasons which 1 then stated, and I would not have referred to him tonight if he had not thought it right to pay «ome attention to me. ( Applause.) I will allude to the first instance to a speech by Sir George Grey at the Thames. He doc<i not aeem to have yet got over the fact of my having left the Legislative Council and entered the House of Representatives. -rfLiughter. ) You will remember he asserted Mn Christchurch that that act of mine was an unjustifiable proceeding, aud that tbe Governor ought not to have accepted my resignation. I then gave you good reasons why Sir George Grey was mistaken in what he said. Bat he leturns to the charge, and he says— " One ef the peers who thinks he can make a party in the Assembly resigns his peerage, and he sits for some rotten borough in the other House." And in order that there should be no mistake as to whom this applied to, he further said, II The gentleman who left the Legislative Council was the present Premier, Mr Hall. This was not the fir* t time he had done that thing." Perfectly true, because he beiped me to do it on a former occasion. (Laughter.)
WHAT IS A ROTTEN BOROUGH ? I do Dot think i should have referred to tb.ia.-if Sir. George, bad-contended himself with a .reference to ,me personally, but he called my constituency a, jfptfon borough. ftoxr, what is a rotten borough ? So far as
I recollect of what a rotten borough was considered in England, I believe it is a small constituency, comprising a very small number of electors, who are almost eutirely dependent upon some poweiful individual, and are compelled to vote as he wishes them to vote, and who generally get certain benefits in return. And he says the electors of Selwyn constitute a rotten borough. But that is not all. (Laughter.) You seem to have occupied his thoughts to a considerable extern. He makes a speech in Auckland, in which he says, " Theee geutlemen sit for Rome small places that ought not to return a member at all." Mr Milea— Too strong a district for his Reform League to send a mau in. (Laughter.) Mr Hall: Then he comes nearer, and speaks at Christchurcb. j and there he is kind enough to refer to me again. He says "The time has come when men who are to rule their fellow men should speak to great communities of their fellow men. It is no time wbeo the Minister of a great and .isiog community like this should sneak away to some obscure country, village-." Therefore, genilemen, you. are a rotten borough, you pught cot to elect a < member, and you are a few small farmers in an obscure country village. " (Laughter.) Now, Sir George Grey represents the Thames district. Comparisons, they say, are. odious, kbut they, are very useful sometimes, never* Jlhtlepss. Jt became my duty once^in the ►•'House of Representatives to throw some little light upon the electoral roll for the Thames. I then stated the facts which I shall state now, which have never been contradicted, and cannot be contradicted. The elecijdral roll of the Thames at the time I speak of composed 4446 electors, being more than the whole of the male population of the district. But, of the people who were on that roll, 52 were dead, 262 twice" On the roli, 118 were three times on the roll, 699 weie absent, 400 could not be found out by the gentleman who sent me this, and who knows tbe place thoroughly — (Umgbter)— 850 were not # thoroughly qualified, sb had no qualification at all, 16 natives were twice on the roll, 6 native women were on the roll, and 12 natives whose names appeared on the roll were dead. (Laughter and applause.) Now, gentlemen, I think if one of us represents a rotten borough it is not myself. (Cheers ) Then, I said gthe constituents composing a rotten borough expect benefits from their patron. If you look at the address to the electors of the Thames, you will find a column and a half devoted to a statement of what he had obtained for the district— such as harbour works, bigb school, railway, and other things. That is how Sir George Grey speaks to the electors of the Thames. (Applause.) I have not found it necessary to speak to you in this way. 1 have told you candidly that some of your wants under more favourable circumstances should be considered, but under existing circumstances they cannot be entertained.
CIRCUMSTANCES ALTER CASES. I do not think it was wise to provoke a comparison between the two constituencies. But I have not done with the Chvistchurch speech yet. It is there said that you are a few farmers in an obscure country village. The truth is this, that is a way he has of dealing with anybody who crosses his path at ail, and you have so far done this as to have elected a man to represent you who has been instrumental in turning him out of his office. That is why he speaks of you in that contemptuous manner. His tune would have been widely different had you elected a supporter of his own. (Laughter and applause.) This would have been the most enlightened and intelligent body of electors he had ever met with— and Leesfoc, instead of being an obscure country villiage, would have been a great centre of political intelligence, from m inch benefits without number would bavo flowed throughout the rest of New Zealand. He would not even stop there, gentlemen. The interest which he would Jiare taken in your children would have been -perfectly marvellous. He would state that he never had observed such interesting children before j that your aons.would be elected Governors of the colony in the future, and that your daughters were the most perfect ladies he had ever met with. (Laughter.) That is what Sir George Grey would have i said if you bad elected—well Mr Gammack, for instance. (Laughter.)
SHOULD A GREAT MAN ADDRESS GREAT AUDIEKCFS ? Now, I have another point to touch upon before proceeding further. 1 lie speech f urHher says that the time has come when men -who aietorule men must speak to great communities of t.heir fellow men, and not to a few farmers in a conutry district. Now, gentlemen, I cay this is mVbish—trausparent rubbish— which may go down with a crowded meeting at the Oddfellows' Hall, where a man is liable to be ejected who does not agree witl^the speaker, but I don't think you will accept it as reasonable. I think I may say, without egotism, that I speak to larger audiences than are actually here. The number of my immediate hearers is a matter of comparatively little importance. The gentlemen who are here in the capacity of reporters give publicity to my utterances, and convey what I and men in my position say to far wider »udiences>. Did you ever hear that Mr Disraeli was bound to address large meetings in London, instead of addressing his constituency of Bucks, in Aylesbury, or that Lord Palmerstou should not address his constituents at Tiverton, or Sir Robert Peel at Tamwor'h? That the autocratic cloven hoof may be seen sticking out of the heap of rubbish 1 have mentioned. The speaker tells us that to be rulers of men • we must address large audiences. Sir George Grey's ambition appears to be a ruler of men. My ambition is of a differeut kind. lam ambitious to be a us°f ul servant to my fellow countrymen. (Applause). And I thank my fellow colonists that during the nearly thirty years I have spent in this part of the world, they have given me many opportunities of serving them in many offices, from the highest to the humblest. lam content to work for them still in a modest sphere when it has fallen to my lot to descend from a higher position ; and you, gentlemen, know whether or not I have been able to place a few stones in the edifice of national prosperity and greatness which we hope will some day cover thefe islands. (Cheers). I hope I have not harboured such an ambition in vain, and that through the confidence of roy fellow citizens Ishall continue to be allowed to serve them in that way, let Sir G. Grey fay or do what he likes. (Applause.)
THB TELEGRAM SCANnAL, Now I have a tew things more to say bsfore I leave this subject. I hay c not alluded to Sir George Grey so long as he let me alone, but I am at present compelled to speak in my own defence. I am afraid I shall have to say some unpleasant words. In hia speech the other evening ho said : — "The Premier of the country sent and required the authorities of that office to give up telegrams for his perusal, some ot wliich were undoubtedly private, that he might search and find out whether any telegrams had been tent by his predecessors, which might give some ground of complaint against them, and excite feelings agaiust them in the country." That is to say, gentlemen, that I sent to the"autborities ot the telegraph office, asking them to scud me private telegrams of his, with the object ot seeing if it were possible to raise up a feeling against him in the country. Now, gentlemen, I have to say, with regard to this asi seriion, and I cay it deliberately, that it is nothing more nor less than a deliberate falsehood. I will repeat the words, a deliberate falsehood. 1 will explain to you the position of this matter, Public officeis are allowed the privilege of franking letters and telegrams for transmission on public busiuess, but not of couisefor private purposes. Telegrams which are thus franked by them are public pi opeTty to all intents and purposes, and are, consequently, the property uf the Government of the day. If th'jy frank a telegram which is on their private business, they defraud the public chest to the amount of the fte wtticb they should have paid. Now, the member for Cheviot, in cdnsequence of certain suspicions which had been expressed that the late Government had been using the telegraph for electioneering purposes, which had been distinctly declared hy Parliament to be " private purposes"— aaked whether the present Goverement would ascertain if this wnsso,aud would lay suoh tele^uiins before Parliament. After consideration we agreed to do this, and sent to the authorities directing that inquiry should be made. A report was sent that there were a considerable number of such telegrams, aud tbey were accordingly brought to me as Commissioner. I took'the precaution to look through them, for the purpose of seeing that none had been — as far as I could see — impropeily included, and finding one or two such, I put them aside, and laid the rest on the, table of the House. The question wa3 then raised whether this was a proper proceeding, and it was referred to a select committee of the House to, report upon. The select committee took evidence, and reported that these telegrams were public telegrams, and could therefore be properly produced. Now, 1 ask whether, these being the facts, which I defy anyone to deny, is not tbe mis-state-ment made by Sir George Grey in Christchurch one entirely discreditable to any public man to have mad«». (Applanre.)
USB OF GOVEBNMENT TRAIKS.— THE EDUCATION ACT. We are further told that the Premier " sneaks to an obscure country village." I could not for the life of me for a considerable time understand what was meant by this word, that ia, what difference there was between the manner in which I travel* led, and that in which my predecessor travelled, to account for 3uch a term. But it occurred to me at last. When my predecessor travelled as Premier, he did so in a Government steamer, and by special train, antf made the country pay for the tiain. When I travel by sea, £ do so as an ordinary Government passenger. When I use a special train 1 pay for it myself. Gentlemen, I shall continue when I come to see you to sueak down here in that way (laughter and applause), and I hope Parliament will never allow Ministers to do anything flee, if to pay one's own expenses for travelling when special trains arc used can be called sneaking. (Applause). In the course ot his speech Sir George Grey f urthi r insinuated — I cannot say lesi — tnat an addie?s which has recently been published by the member for Riverton, iv whicli be makes certain suggestions regarding education, was a feeler put forth by the Government. There is no particle of foundation for that insinuation. The first I knew of the address was when I read it in a newspaper. I wish that to be distinctly uuderstood. There is no foundation whatever for the statement I have referred to, whicli I have no doubt, however, will be repeated over and over again ; nor is there the slightest foundation for the insinuation that the Government intends to interfere with the Education Act as it now exists.
THE DBFICIBKCY OF A MILLION STERLING* Having now referred to what was in that speech, I wish to draw your attention to one or two remarkable omissions from it. Firstly, we have a statesman of high position addressing a large assembly on the most important political questions of the day, and yet making uo allusion whatever to whatsbould seriously occupy the attention of any man in his position— namely, the very serious financial position of the colony at the present time, fie said' nothing on this most important question, nor on the st p » ' which should be taken to extricate ourselves from existing difficulties. I think you will agree with me that this was a remarkable omission. 1 lie Treasurer at once made a searching investigation into the financial condition oi the colony. We had not been told that the financial position was a serious one, but in point of fact we fouud it was so. Speaking of the ordinary revenue and expenditure, we found a deficiency on the Ist of July last of over £100,000 ; but for the subsequent financial period in which we then were the revenue of JNew Zealand, fairly estimated, fell short of the necessary expenditure by a sum of not less than £800,000 ; that is to cay, at the rate of £2 per head for every man, woman, and child in New Zealand, flow, I venture to say that such a state of things has not often een revealed to the people of any country, Tt has been attempted by members of the late Government to deny that the deficiency was so great. They said that the present Treasurer took anj unnecessary gloomy view of, {our positio >, and that in point of fact the revenue would be much larger than estimated, and the expenditure much less. But what is the fact ? We have now at the end of the nice months for which the accounts are made up, signed, and printed, and it appears that instead of the Treasurer having taken too gloomy a view of the position it was just the reverse. The deficieucy is greater by £280,000 than was originally estimated by Major Atkinson. Sir George Grey, in Auckland, the other day, said the deficiency was only £80,000 or 90,000. Ido not know whether he was
correctly reported or not, for at the ThameB he said the deficiency would be £500,000. It is a fact, however, that before he went out of office deficiency bills to the extent of £400,000 had been issued, and one of the first measures he had to undertake was a Bill which had to be passed through all its stages at once for a further issue of £200,000 deficiency bills, without which tha payments for the public services could not have gone ou.
THE ANTICIPATION OF LOANS. So much with regard to the ordinary revenue and expenditure. Now with regard to the lpan. You are aware that a loan of £5,000,000 was authorised to be raised iv the first session of last year. The loan had not been raised, but we found thai it had been very largely anticipated by drafts drawn upoq our agents inLoDdon. By every mail money had been raised in this way. to provide funds for carrying out public works. It was found that tbe expenditure and Habilitiod to be met before Christmas out of that loan amounted to over £1,000,000, and a further liability had been incurred of about another million to be paid before the end of June. In point of fact we had spent, or practically spent, in anticipation of that* loan being raised, money to the amount of £2,000,000. We found, also, that liabilities had been incurred for the purchaseof native lands to the extent of £1,100,000, or £1,200,000, and al]l this before sixpence of the loan had been raised. We were told that we were magnifying the difficulty.. You will see when the papers are published that we did not magnify the difficulty at aU —indeed, that it would We been difficult for us to do 80, You understand that we could not get on without drawing, in anticipation oi tbc loan being raised, upon our •gen's in London, and we learnt that the Bank of England had refused to advance tliO3e agents another shilling. If that was not a position of danger and difficulty, I should like to know what is. I can har.lly conceive any Government taking over the nuances of the country in a greater mess, or taking office under more discouraging circumstances.
THE REMEDY FOR FINANCIAL ROTTENNESS. As to the steps which we took to deal with the position, we might, if we had consulted our own case and temporary popularity, have attempted to smooth the matter over by. assuming that we should have a large land revenue and a larger consolidated revenue ; and we might put this or that expenditure on loan. That would have been an easy but unworthy mode of dealing with the difficulties. It was not the way in which we read our duty to the colony. Having ascertained what the requirements of the colony were, we determined to attempt to place the finances of ths colony on a sound and honest footing. We believed that this could heat be done, firstly by endeavouring to reduce our e&r penditure, as I shall presently show you we have done. The next step was to raise such additional revenue as would fairly meet the deficiency. How did we propose to do that ? Partly by an increase of the Cuatoms duties. This revision of the taiiff exempted from duty raw materials used in colonial manufactures.and thereby added to the sources of employment in the colony. Secondly, by imposing additional duties on spirits, wine aud tobacco, and by increasing what are called the ad valorem duties. These are not duties which press mainly on the working classes, unless where they nap* pen to be considerable consumers of tobacco and spirits, and I do not mind pressing upon people who do that. (Hear, hear.)
THK LAND TAX INSUFFICIENT FOB THE EXIGENCY. We are told that we ought not to have proceeded in tbe manner I have iudicated, but onght first of all to have mci eased ths Laud Tax, and thu3 go at the " unearned increment;" that we should hare raised the tax on large properties. Now I have got a return of all the properties in New Zealand, as they were valued at thelateassessment,and,as you are aware, an excessive value was put upon many properties iv this part of the country. Out of the 87,105 properties assessed in New Zealand how many do you think reached in value £20,000 ? Thei c are only 446 such, and I will venture to Bay that under any assessment made at the present time that number would be very largely diminished. Now, assuming that these properties are not mortgaged, and. return 5 per cent, on their assessed value, if you tax the whole income fiom them to tbe event of ten per cent., it will only give you £100,009 ; but we know that properties in this country are generally mortgaged, and we shall not be far wrong if we assume those to be so encumbered up to half their value Then, to raise £100,000 it would tike twenty per cent, on the income. It is not a delusion, therefore, to talk about meeting the deficiency I have mentioned by such an increase in the land tax merely ? I wilL notice one or two arguments advanced in favor of retaining to tbe land tax. A member from Westiand objected in the House to the property tax, and advocated a continuation of the land tax— for what reason do you think ? Westland U an important part of the colony, produces a lanje amount of gold, and receives a very fair share of the public expenditure. Mr Seddon, speaking on this subject of the proposed property tax, and said that "at present only four individuals were taxed, but in the Bill now before us the struggling settlers will be taxed." From this it would appear that to him it seemed quite fare that the struggling farmers in Canterbury and Otago should be taxed, but the same rule should not apply to Westland. This seems to me rather an argument against the land tax. There are other good reasons against the land tax, for example, that in Nelson last year in cost more to collect than the whole tux produced. In point of fact, the land tax is paid chiefly by Otago and Canterbury, and to a lesser extent by Wellington, i heref ore it presses unequally upon the at colony large.
PROPOSED REPUDIATION. There was another proposal made to meet the deficiency which is worthy of your consideration. Sir George Grey in the debate on the Property Amendment Bill said - " Supposing an income tax was put on of 3d in the £— imposed upon the same principle as in England. Why those creditors to whom we owe twenty-seven millions of money, or to whom we shall soon owe that amount, would contribute the sum of £337,500 a year to that income tax, and it i would fall so lightly on them that they would not feel it at all." That is to say, gentlemen, that having borrowed money
upon the ia'th that we were to pay a certain amount of interest on it, we are suddenly to reduhe that by 20 per cent. If one of you had lent money upon mortgage to another, would you thiuk it proper, reasonable or honorable for the debtor, if he had it in his power, to say to the creditor, "I shall in future not pay you the tamount of your interest by 20 per cent." Do you think a man who did that would have a chance of borrowing another shilling from the same creditor ? And is it not likely that such an expression of opinion f rosi oue who is said to represent the opinions of a large portion ot the people of this colony, will damage the credit of the colony in the money market at home. Sir George Grey appears to have remarkable views ou finance. He saya that if the iuterest receivable bv our bond-holders jwere reduced by twenty pdr cent, they " would not feel it at all." TJie proposal is really a measure of repudiation, and it is, in my opinion a very great calamity that any gentleman, occupy, i'ug the position held hy the late Premier in this colony, should in his place in Parliament make a positive proposal for even the partial repudiation of our public debt. It is a serious objection ta auch gentlemen being again intrusted with political power in this colony that he should in his place in Parliament have proposed eveu partially to repudiate our debt.
ALL PROPERTY LIABLE FOR STATE PROTECTION. As I contended when I last addressed you in this hall, I believe taxation should rest not only upon land but upon all property, inasmuch as all property enjoys protection from the State, and for this it should be made to pay. land is not more protected than other property. The man who holds mortgages pays for tba*\ It is, I contend, a fair and right principle that where realised property exists it should be made to pay reasonably for this proteciioD. I am aware that this property tax^ is not popular; very few taxe3 are, and, possibly, a considerable amount of diss-itisfaction isfdt iareference to this tax in particular. But I submit this, that the dissatisfaction and uupopuiarity ought not to attach to those Who have introduced the tax for the purpose of making good the alarming deficiency of our finances, but upon those who bequeathed to us that deficiency and made the tax necessaty. Now, Sir George Grey, at ChristchascQ the other day said that this tax was one that would press hardly on the masses of the people. Jf that is true, 1 miMt be glad, because no person will be taxed whose property does not exceed £500. If he has le*s than this amount ho pays no tax at all, and therefore, if it presse-j heavily on the masses of the people, those p?ople have each more than £500 worth of property. I hope it ia so in this obscure village of Leeston. (Laugter.) But, gentlemen, the fact is that the mass of the people will not pay the tax at all. THE PROPERTY TAX GETS AT MORTGAGEES. Another advantage of the Property Tax is, tbac many who escaped altogether, or nearly so under the Land Tax, now have to contribute to the revenue, such as persons who are money lenders. An illustration of this was given to me some time ayo. It is that of a gentleman who uas large sums of money out at mortgage who escaped almost scot tree under the old Act. He h one who does not use his money in trading or farming. He now has under this Pi operty Tax to pay £100 a-yeat. whereas under the JLand Tax he bad only £5. (Hear, hear.) The eonscqueuce is that gentlemen like these arc sure to object to the Property Tax.
THE ORDBR FOR SIX THOUSAND PAUPERS. I will ca,ll your attention to another omission in that speed). The speaker did not tbink it worth while to explain to his socalled constituents why he about fifteen taontha ago sent a telegraphic despatch to the Secretary of State asking him to send out 6000 paupers to this* country. When addressing a«» audieuce of the working classes, the reason why that_ despatch was sent would have been an interesting piece of information. I nave the despatch. It is as follows :— " Neve Zealand Governmeflt regrets greatly distress in Mother country. It respectfully informs Imperial Government that six thousand able bodied emigrants could at once find permanent and profitable employment in JNew Zealand in addition to large numbers whose passages are being paid by the colony." That was in February last year, at tne conclusion of the second bad harvest we had had, when any man of ordinary sagacity must have known that depression was near at hand, aud that the labour market would be overstocked. Nor did the speaker explain why in the first ses-ion of 1879 — when the unemployed difficulty had become a serious one, and when papers relating to immigration were laid before Parliament, including papers of a later date than that 1 have jusfc quoted, that particular paper was left out. It remained a secret until the present Government came into office, and laid it before Parliament. I ask you is that dealing frankly and fairly with the public ? THS HISTORY OF TTIE SESSION. I now turn to more pleasant topics. I propose to review as briefly as I can some of the proceedings of the last session of Parliament and of the recess, and then to refer to the proposals so far as I can do so, and the prospects of the coming session. Shortly after arriving in Wellington I was asked to undertake the honorable and arduons position of leader of the Opposition. I acceded to that request, and in due cou-se moved a vote of want of confidence in the Government. After considerable debate, in which the objections taken by the supporters of the resolution was to the inefficient administration of the then Government, and in which the defence was not a defence of their administration, but a plea that they intended to introduce Liberal measures, the motion was carried by a majority of two. The Government, after some hesitation, tendered their resignation, and I was asked to form a new Ministry. I was able to submit to the Governor the names of gentlemen who, although several of them had not previou-ly been members of a colonial miuistry, were nevertheless favorably known, and men who are respected and trusted by all who know them. It is a rule consistent with all precedent, common fairness, and common sense, that whon a new Government comes into office, it shall be allowed a fair opportunity of placing befoie the country the policy which ft proposes to act upon. It the country doe* not approve of it, or does not approve the manner in which such Government conducts its business, it displaces it.in the ordinary way. But in our case that rule was
entirely departed from Before we had time t » take our seats, and while the late Ministers still occupied the ministerial benches, they were so anxious to prevent us being heard at all, that Mr Macandrew —newly elected leader ot the Opposition — gave notice of a want of confidence in us. lhis was done before we had opened our mouths as Ministers. Ho notonly gave that notice, but persisted in it subsequently. Tni3 extraordinary proceeding drove m to the uuusual expedient of taking advantage of the forms of the Rous*, to prevent the no-con lidence motion coming on until we had a fair opportunity of putting our policy before the country. I grant that is au unusual, and under ordinary circumstances uudesirable, course to pursue, but I assert that it was entirely justified by the unprecedented manner in which we were treated. We were determined that you should know what policy we had to propose, and we were also determined that we would find out for you what the financial position of country leally was, and what the position of Native affiira waa. All we asked was a reasonable time to do these things, and we named a time after which wo would entertain their vote of no confidence at once. They were infatuated enough to reject this I otter, and then bungled so muqU that we had no difficulty in prcver.tiug tfaeir motion from coming on. In this niauner a good dual of time was wasted until some of their supporters became thoroughly sickened and gave us to uuderstand that they would be williug to support up.
THB COMPACT WITH 1 HE FOUR. This Mnjjß me to another part of the speech at Christchurch, namely, the socalled compact you have heard so much about. From the very first Sir, George Grey insisted upon seeing a piece ot paper to which my initials were attached. f ine vcove. he insisted that this paper should b3 produced the more the pjper did not come. (Laughter.) Possibly it might have been produced had he not insisted co muco. The contents of that oelebrated piece of paper have now beeu made public in one or two speeches. The gentlemen I have mentioned desired to have clearly before them our views regardiog the redistribution of repreoeutation, regarding the measures of Electoral Reform, and regardin^.the education Act, and also to understand whether we are willing that an inquiry should be made a* to how Auckland had fared in the distribution of funds for public woiks m comparison with the vestof the colony, *otliat if such inquiry showed that injustice ha'i been done to Auckland, it should be iedresßed. That is substantia'ly the account you have heaid several times. On rectiv'ing satisfactory assurance upon these subjects, the members refened to agreed to support the Government, and their support cave us a majority of two. The Opposition then withdrew their want of confidence motion, and the business of the country proceeded,
THE LIBERAL MEASURES. We then lost no time ia bringing forward and laying on the tible of the House thoss impoitaut measures of electoral reform about which so much ta'k ha* taken place during the last f«w years. What our predecessors had been speaking about for two yea-s we lay upon the table in one week. We proposed tuem m six Bills, and proceeded to work with them at once during the two months remaining of the session. We carried a Bill for seeming trieunial Parliaments - a Bill fiom which was omitted a remarkable feature contameu in the Bill for that purpose prepared by the Government. That Bill provided that the system of triennial Parl-anients should not commence until after the expiration of the present Parliament- that Parliaments s-hould be quiuqueunial. uutil that timeaft-.r which members should be elected for three years ouly. But we applied the same mle to the present Parliament as had been proposed for the future. We also passed a Bill fpthe extenaou of the franchise, giving to every man residuit for a reasonab'e time m the colony a right to vote, and Riving al-o a vote to any man possessing freehold prop-i ty to the amount of £25 -not two votes in the same district, but in the cass of a man who had property in a district in which he did not icside, to the value of £25, he should, in viitue of that property, hi intitled to exercise the franchise. That was a more liboal measure than had ever been proposed by our predecessors. But nevertheless they said it was not liberal enough. We contend, however, that it is right that to some extent property should be represented. We got another Bill passed for the registration of eleci or?. I have always coutended that tbe reason why many of our settlers were not on the electoral rolls was, not because they had no qualification under the old law, but because no effectual provision was made rur their being registered. This Bill provides that a mau maybe registered at. any time of the year. Hence if any man has got a claim to be registered he can go to the offices at which the electoral lolls are open for inspection, and if he do-s not hud nia name upon the roll he cau have it placed there at once. I think that this will be found a greater advantage to the people than auythina of the kind proposed hitherto. We introduced three other mcasuies, viz., a Bill tor the Kegulatlm of Elections, a Bill for the Prevention of Bribery and Corruption at Elections, and a Bill for dealing with Elections Petitions. Tlieie was no time to pass these jneasures, nor for a Bill for the Ke distribution of Seats, which has become necessary owing to the growth of the popula:ion of the colony, in consequence of which some localities are not now fairly represented. That I will deal with later on. So much with regard to measures for electoral reform.
THE NECESSITY FOR ECONOMY AND RETRENCHMENT. , We had hoped to have bridged over the gap between our revenue and our expenditure by these means. But owing to the subsequent falling off in the levenue there i* a vei'y seiious gap still existing between revenue and expenditure. I am not going to anticipate the financial statement, which in a few days' time the co'ony will bear from the Colonial Treasurer. (Hear, bear.) The depression under which we have so long laboured is gradually, 1 believe, passiug away, the colony is recovering, and I hope soon for better times, ('.'beers.) It is true there is not yet a large amount of improvement, but I believe we are on the eve of better times. One thing is necessary both in public and private affairs in this colony, that we should observe stiict economy. It is the duty of the Governments in dealing with the finances of the colony to do this so far as they can. (Qear, hear.) If we all do so, and devote oiu selves
to the development of the resouices of this colony I believe that in a short time the depression will have passed away, leaving as traces behind the lessons of thrift and economy, which will help us for the futuie. (Cheers.) I have told you that it is the duty of the Government to practice economy in administering the finances of the colouy. We did. not come ino office telling the colony, as others did, that reductions would be made of £100,000 or £150,000. We know somethiug about government, and that to make suohpioniises would be nonsense. We said we would go carefully into the question, and make what reduction could be effected without impairing the efficiency of the public service. Our promises have been kept. The Minister of Public Works during the session reduced the estimates for railways by £30,000, aad during the present year has made a saving on train mileage of £21,000, and on reductions in the stall' of £7,000. Uy the use of native coal he has been enabled to effect a saviug of £8,500. Thh, gentlemen, I think is a satisfactory item (Hear.) This means a total saving of £36,500, which is equal to 17 per ceut. on the net revenue. Further reductions are in progress, and in the course of a few months still further alterations, by which we hope to save more without in any way iuteifeiing with the eiheienny of the service. (Hear). I hope you will agree with me in thinking that the Minister for Public Works has kept his promise. (Heat)* In th se departments which are immediately under my charg*, viz., the Postal and Telegraph, I have been able to make some reductions by the abolition oi some mail services which were not really necessary, and I hope to do more next session if the Parliament will assist with its authority. The necessity for saving ict these departments does not take the shape of reducions in salaries paid, because they are already very modest. Such s ivipgs must bs effected in the facili. ties afforded to the public themselves, because here wo have become rather too luxurious. Two-thirds of the telegraph offices do not even pay working expenses, and yet to abolish those which are so situated would almost raise a revolution. We look forward to tha conversion ot our loans under the arrangement made in 1875 by Sir Julius Vogel as a means of effecting considerable saving to the colony. It will, if successful, obviate the payment of consideiable sums as sinking fund, and release large sums already accumulated. I think it only right to say that in my opinion the colony ia largely indebted to that gentleman, for the arrangement effected by him in 1875.
LOAN EXPENDITff&E AND LOG- ROLL ING. I have up to now been, dealing with ordinary expenditure. I now come to loan expenditure. With regard to this we are bound to spread it over a period of three years, that being the time which must elapse before we can go into the London market again. It is very difficult for any Government to check expenditure when there is money available in the chest. The public are a] t when this is the case to insist upon it being &peut, and consequently this portion of our duty is an arduous one. We find no difficulty in obtaining approval of our policy of economy — in the abstract. Everyone admits that we must be economical, but the moment we begin knocking off any particular work the persons attected by the economy protest against it. They are very ready to t i be economical at their brethren's expense, but not at their own. Mr Montgomery ha^ recently been speaking at Akaroa. This gentleman, if we were to believe his profession?, is a politician of almost immaculate purity, indeed politically of purer eyes than to behold iniquity. But for a'l (1: <.'■., in apy question affecting Akaroa he can 1011 a log as neatly as any gentleman of my acquaintance. (Cheers,) in his speech he dwelt at great length on the misdeeds of his opponents, but was considerately and judiciously silent as to the needs of his own party. He spoke stiongly of the necessity for economy and thrift and thrift and economy. This bein# so, it might he fairly expected that he would be willing to begin at Akaroa. Quite the contiary. i had an application made to me for anew post office at Akaroa. (Laughter.) I thought th it the present office, considering the present state ot our finance, with alittlo alteration would furnish sufficient accomodation for a loDg time. This, however, he strongly objected to, and complains that I have not given an entirely new office. He aiso speaks iv a somewhat injured tone because we did not come down with the money to put a tunnel through the hill on the piopoaed railway line to Akaroa. la this I am bound to sty that &Ir Montgomery is not a greater sinner than other sinners. If the tower 01 Siloam was to fall on all who act like him tie benches of the House of Representatives would soon be rather empty, lmention tineas aninstance of the difficulties which the Government have to deal with in carrying out economy iv public expenditure. (Cheers.)
THE NATIVE OFFICE EXTRAVAGANCE. I now come to a very important subject, and one of the deepest interest to the colony — the Native question. We have been led to believe that under the late Government Native questions would be dealt with by men who had especial qualifications for the purpose, who could do in this matter what others could not. The system of personal government was carried out to fullest extent. The Native* came to our meetings, listened to our s-peeehe v , eat our food, but gave nothing whatever in return. Their plan tor dealing with Natives seemed to have been founded upou an idea that they must be tieated in au exceptional mauner,and not anything like Europeans. The Native expenditure dining the bast three year has been rapidly increasing, while the number of Natives, as we understand, has been diminishing. The increase, too, has been less iv salaries than in contingencies expenditure over which Parlimout has compaiatively no coutrol, but which h distributed entirely by the authority of the minister oi the day. Not only has money been thus wasted, raised by taxation from the people of this colony, but it has had the effect of training the Natives to spend their time in loafing, to depend upon the Government for assistance, contracting habits of idleness. In short, it has been petting, pampering and pauperising the Natives, and incurring extravagant expendituie for tbe purpose. (Cheeis ) The policy of the present Government cm be put iv a row words, namely, as much as possible to let the Natives alone. Nob that we should not keep a watchful eye on their proceedings, but to teach them not to look constantly lo Government for money ; no, also that they must be content to be governed by the same Jaws as ftheir European fellow
citizens are. (Cheers'.) There is no need, gentlemen, for long keeping up the distinctions in the treatment between the two races. They are so kept in a great measure by those who, thanks to their familiarity with the native language, are able to turn this distinctive treatment of the natives to their own profit. Our object is to teach the natives as speedily &% possible that they must submit to be governed by the same laws and rules as their European fellow subjects. So far as it has yet been able to be carried out, this policy has been successful; we believe that the natives respe it a Government for acting more than they did before. In pursuance of this policy, native schools which hitherto have been under the control of the Native Minister have been transferred to the Education Department, and are now regulated and inspected as far as powible. (Cheers ) So with regard to the Native Lands Court formerly in tha departmeut of the Native Minister. This has been transferred to the Minister of Justice. No one is more in earnest in this work thau the Native Minister himielf. Iv the expenditure of the Native Department large reductions have beenetfected. Theuumber of ofhoers and pensioners dispensed with is 117 ; besides vacancies not tilled up. Number of officers and pensioners whose salaries have been reduced, 67. Amount of native vote for salaries 1879-80 was £15,164; amount by which reduced, £6,527, or 43 per cent. Savings on civil list, £1,272. Besides this large reductions nave been made in the contingent expenditure. This, as 1 have said, is money over which Parliament has comparatively little control, but is disbursed by the Minister a« he thinks proper. For fifteen months Parliament voted £2,600, but the Native Department spent £18,000. If the contingencies of the Native Land Purchase Department are added, which is also at the disposal of the Minister, the expenditure of this kind would not be les* than £30,000. Moreover, accounts are still coming in incurred by our predecessors. Some of the native expenditure has been of a questionable nature. i*ou have no doubt heard of how the jewellery for natives is included. Only a few days ago the Native Minister showed me an account from an Auckland jeweller for £40 for polishing two grt-enstoae meres for a native chief. This account was endorsed by the late Native Minister. I consider such expenditure of public money scandalous, and that if we cannot govern the natives without such proceedings aa these it is a disgrace to us. The Native Minister considers that for the future £3,000 would be a fair expenditure for contingencies for the department, (A voice : " What about Te Whiti's swamp?") I will come to the question of Te Whiti s swamp presently. I submit that great credit is due to Mr Bryce, the present Native Minister for the courage and determination with which he has catried out his promise to reduce the expenditure of his Department bearing in mind the- protects and objections with which a Minister is beset on every occasion of this kind. I say, therefore, that he should have every credit for the reform and economy he has laboured to effect in the Native Department.
TB WHITI'S BUSINESS. I have now to refer to the subject of affairs on the West Coast of the North Island j and I regret that I shall not have time to go into it as fully as I should h*ve liked to do. I should wish to refer to a speech made recently by Mr. Ballance, in which he attempted to ridicule the manner in which native affairs in that part of the country are being dealt with by the present Government. It i 3, I think, unfortunate that Mr Ballance should have done this; because it is calculated to provoke comparisons, and if I had time to make them, I think I could satisfy you that Mr Ballance was very imprudent in his provocation. But let that pass. When w<* came into office we found this position of matters :— The part of the countiy between the Waiogongoro-river and the Stoneyriver had been confiscated many years before, bat possession of it had not been taken. Native claims to parts of that country had grown up in a variety of ways, some based on pi omises made by different Governments that certain lands should be returned to tho3e who had owned them ; others arising out of tbe fact that natives had been allowed to eettle down at particular ppints and to cultivate the ground ; others again, arising out of promises of different kind*, made directly by the Gov.erument or their oificera. We found taajt iotir predecessors in office had attempted to Occupy,, by survey, a part of the country I have specified, but that they had done this without making inquiry as to what lands might, under the circumstances I have stated, be regarded as belouging to Maoris, and what to tbe Government. The result was, that the surveyors had been turned off the land, and the then Government had not ventured to re-occupy it. We found that ther"ewas a body of Armed Constabulaiy, very well organised, it is true, but in barracks, and costing there about a* much as they are now costing out of barracks. We decided that the first thing we had to do was to make a proper enquiry as to what the native claims really were ; to find out in fact, what justice required should be done for the natives, bvfore we attempted to take possession of the land. Parliament passed an Act authorising the appointment of a Commission for this purpose. We were able to secure the services, as Commissioners, of two of tbe most distinguished men in New Zealand— Sir William Fox and Sir Francis Dillon Bell. We also secured the services of a. Maori member of the Hou«e— a chief of highiank, who was one of bar steady political opponents, but who agreed to net on the Commission. Subsequently, bowever-^-acting tinder what iniluence I do not care to enquire— that gentleman wrote to say that he found he should be between the two Europeau Commissioners in the position of a horse between tbe shafts of a cart ; that he should not be able to have his own way. (Laughter.) He decided to withdraw from the Commission. lam sorry for it, and I may aay in passing that there was ?ot in this fact much encouragement to ye Government to go into the ranks oi their pohtiical opponents to get members of Royal Commissions. The two gentlemen* I have named have devoted themselvea most assiduously to making a full inquiry into all the facts of the case as to these West Coast land?. Tney have found that a considerable portion of the lands have been promised to be returned or given to the natives. 4s to others, to whom no such promises have been made, the Commissioners find that they must be allowed some place upon which to live. The Commis«ioßeis have made recomniendations accordingly. Of those recommendations tbe Government have approved. They have been printed in the public papeis, and they will be laid before Parliament in a few days. I ask you, gentlemen, to dismiss from your minds a great portion of the newspaper" accounts respecting these transactions which have been sent from that part of the countjy. Canterbuiy has been favoured with newspaper accounts of what has been pasting there, which I state, upon the best authority, are utterly incorrect and mis eading. (Hear, hear.) While we offered to tbe Natives to do them full justice in the matter of land, we thought it our duty to show them that we bad the power to enforce our authority, and to let them
know we had the will to use the power if necessary. We knew that it was of little use to ask those Natives to consent to a diminution of what they claimed unless we could show them that we were powerful enough to enforce what we might decide to be just. For that reason we did not organise, as you have been told, a force costing £600 a day ; but we took the men that were organised outof their carnpsand barracks, where they were employed in the no doubt very useful work of furbishing up their accoutrements, and we put them upon the plains and showed them to the Maoris. (Applause.) We did more. We said, " Here is a very fine tract of country." I have seen it, I may say, and it is a very tine Iract of country for certain purposes. " But," we said, " a read will be required. The land cannot be occupied without a road through it, and bridges across the stream 3 that inteiseot it. We will employ the constabulary in making this road. This will be the best sign we can give to the Maoris, that while we are perfectly willing to do wlnt is just towards them, we mean to assert our authority over the land, and not to &ive up any portion which we do not find to fairly belong to them." (Applause.)
THE LVND RKMAINING TO THE GOVERNMENT. It has been said that while the Commissioners have given up all the land, that we are spending £600 a day in inakiug a road through it for the Natives. But the Coramissioners have not done that. They found that a great deal of it had been practically given back or promised j but it ia by no means the case that nothing remains. Of the Waimate Plaids themselves, a finer piece of land than which — I won't say for wheat- growiug, but for many purposes -I have never seen, the greater part of the open land will remain for Europeans. ( \ pplause), And beside t hat there will b<>, in what may be called the same block, no less than 100,000 acres of rich, level forest land, fit for immediate occupation. If, by the means we have adopted, we should secure, as I hope we shall, peaceable occupation of the country— if, by Ido not say the active concurrence, but the passive concurrence of the natives, we ahould be able to occupy that land— l say that we shall have done a very great work indeed. (Applause). No doubt by hostilities, by bloodshed, we might have conquered those natives— at the cost of much blood we might have achieved the same result, perhaps, in a shorter time j but I think you will agree that we did right not to incur the responsibility of shedding blood amongst our fellow subjects, if by any means that result could be obtained peaceably. (Applause). I heard some one ask just no f v about "Te Whiti's swamp." (Laughter). I am happy to tell him that Te Whiti has found out that when he said the two roads (as they have been called) would never meet, he didn't mean quite that. He is an exceedingly clever man. You always find that he did not mean by his prophecies what does not come to pass. (Laughter). He says flings that have a certain meaning, but when one of his prophecies does not come true, he has a perfectly marvellous way of getting out of the difficulty. (Laughter.) *So far as we can gather there is not the slightest intentention to interfere with the making of the road, or preventing the parts of it being made to meet. The natives are giving the bast evidence of not intending to provoke hostilics by the extent to which they are cultivating at Parihaka, which will be near to the road. They never do cultivate to any great extent in accessible positions if they have hostilities in view.
SUMMARY OF WEST COAST POLICY. It has been said that we have boasted of our success on the West Coast. In my view of the case neither the Government nor anybody connected with them has ever done anything of the kind. We have, after grave consideration, gone to an expense which may appear great as compared with the immediate object in view. But we have had the conviction that we could not afford to allow ourselves to be thwarted in this matter. If we had done so the effect would have been seen and felt throughout the North Island. The natives there know what is going on. If they supposed that by bounciug they could prevent our occupying thi3 important piece of territory, and if we had allowed them to do so we should speedily have had precisely the same kind of difficulty in other paits. We have not been contending for the settlement of the Waimate Plains only, but for the mastery — by peaceful means if possible) but still for the mastery— over the natives. (Applause.) I believe firmly that we shall be successful. It is not in mortals to command success, but we have done more in persistently adhering to the best means of obtaining it. (Applause).
THE GOVERNMENT LAND POLICY. I desire now to >efer to another feature of the last session— the law regulating the disposal of Crown lands. The Act of 1877 was found to be in many respects restrictive. Prices were too high— conditions too stringent. Mr Rolleston devoted himself with all that energy and zeal which you know he possesses to introducing amendments of the law, and the result is a much more liberal measure than we had before. Greater facilities are offered for the occupation of land upon deferred payments in those parts of the country best suited for the purpose. Mr Roileston has, since the prorogation, travelled over the whole of the colony, to ascertain where land could be advantageously tbrowo open for settlement, and the result has been the throwing open of a total area, under the deferred payment system, which will compare very favourably with any thiug done in years gone by. I will not trouble you wil h details. It will be enough to say that since the Bth April last, over 71,000 acres have been opened for occupation under the deferred payment regulations upon very easy terms. (A Voice : " Where abouts is it, please ?") Well, we have often been met by inquires from people who wanted to know where Crown lands could be got, and what the Government have done is this— they have published a little book called "The Crown Lands Guide," which can be obtained for 6d at any laud office, and which tells exactly what lands are open and upon what terms, in every part of the colony. That I think you will admit is a very useful work. (Applause).
TBE DISTRICT RAILWAYS. One most fertile theme for censure by the Opposition has been the policy of the Government as to certain district railways. (A Voice : " Ay, the Oxford and Teniuka') No, that was not a distiicfc railway. Mis* representation and abuse have been showered ou us on account of these district railways, and I therefore wish to be allowed to say a few words on the subject. Those railways are lines undertaken in virtue of certain Acts of Parliament passed to enable companies to construct works con* side red to be of a useful public character. They had to be sanctioned by the Government, because when authorised they entailed upon districts through which they inn liability to rating sufficient to guarantee interest to an amount equal to 5 per cent, on their cost ; and they further entailed upon the Government itself an obligation to pay two per cent, on that cos*, making seven per cent, in all. This was an admission, clearly, that those railways had a certain public character. Several com-
panics were formed, and they Commenced railways under those Acts. A time of great depression came. The companies endeavoured to raise money upon debentures, when it was found that the Acts which purported to give them power to raise money iv that way were so drawn, or contained such clauses, that the companies could not raise the money. In these circumstances, we had before U 3 the choice of allowing these railways, some of which bad been commenced, to be discontinued, and the undertakings to collapse, or to step ia and give such assistance as it was in the colony to give, without the cost to it eventually of a t-ingle penny. You have been told— it has been stated in various places— that we proposed to spend £400,000 on these lines. It might as well have been said that we proposed so to apply £4,000,000. (Laughter.) The utmost amount to which anyone knowing the circumstances will tell you that we could have been called upon to spend is £150,000, out it is not in the least degree likely we should have been ever called upon for more than £60,000, or, at the outside, some £100, C&0. Theie was great objection raised to the granting of this as-istance; but eventually Parliament authoiised, upon our receiving security from the companies, the guaranteeing of their debenture, which could not be floated as the law stood, and so enabling the companies to laise money to complete lines begun. That authority has been acted upon to the extent of £40.000 at the present time ; and lam sure that when the facts are laid before Parliament, and are considered by a fair, candid and dispassionate tribunal, it will be admitted that what has been done will not eventually cost the country one penny. Quite the contrary, for it will lead to the completion, at an early date, of public works of very great value to the colony— will enable railways to be opened that will pay better than many of those that have been constructed out of public money. (Appliuae.) Whaftlhave now siid, will, I hope, give satisfaction. It is, at any rate, a true and correct account of what the Government have done in the matter. (Applause.)
THE ROYAL COMMISSIONS. We have been twitted about the number of Royal Commissions we have appointed for various purposes. One of those Commis* sions— that for investigating the subject of colonial industries -we were requested to appoint by a Committee of the House of Representatives ; and if by any step of this kind we can further the development of industries in New Zealand, which will afford employment to large classes of the population, as I believe we can -if we can do this by the collection and s'fting of information by gentlemen, most of whom give their services gratuitously— l say that we shall have done a very valuable thing for the colony. (Applause.) It is a work that Miuisters, who have a large amount of departmental duty to look after, could not themselves possibly accomplish. Then as to the Civil Service Commission. We are frequently told, " You reduce the cost of the i service bv £100,000," and some people make ! it £150,000. But nobody tells ns how this is to be done. (Laughter.) We believe that the best mode of beginning to deal with the matter was to have enquiries , made in all parts of the colony, by gentlemen who could and would devote time to them ; and I am of opiuion that when the results are laid before Parliament, it will be admitted that the appointment of the Commission was a wise and prudent step. (Applause.) Then, again, as to the j Railway Commission. If you are to believe what is snid by gentlemen who are anxious to get railways made over this or that mountain, there m not a yard of New Zealand that would not well support a railway. (Laughter). But it is desirable there should be on all such matters really authentic information. The intention to appoint this particular Commissiou was announced by the Minister of Public Works in bis Statement, aud I believe the information obtained by it will be most useful. But it is said we have appointed our political supporters on these Commissions, aud we are blamed for that. Speaking very candidly, when we looked round for the gentlemen beat qualified for the work we found tbat the greater number of them did happen to be our owu friend?. (Laughter). I do not say there were none who were qualified on the other side, but the best qualified men were amongst those who had given us their support. We did ask some of the Opposition. But suppose we had appointed a number of them, what would have been the cry from one end of the colony to the other ? Would it not have beeu, " Oh ! what a disgraceful attempt to buy political opponents." (Much laughter, and " Well, that is a good get-out.")
PROSPECTS OF THE COMING SESSION. I have now, I think, only to refer to the prospects of the coming session, and the proposals to be made to Parliament. As to our prospects, I am happy to tell you they appear to be very good. We have no reason to suppose we have forfeited the confidence or shall lose the support of former friends ; *nd we have reason to believe that some who did differ from us have seen the error of their way?. ( A pplause and laughter). The moat impor tant subject we shall have to deal with will be that of finance. I have already referred to that to some extent, and I will not anticipate the statement of the Colonial Treasurer. But there is one point upon- which 1 may touch without inconvenience. It has been found necessary to discontinue, in their piesent shape, the subsidies granted to local bodies. The colony is not in a position to afford so large a sum as has hitherto been paid in that way— and paid, as we believe, in a great many instances where it could be faiily spared. That remark applies especially to the large cities throughout the colony where heavy rates are levied, and where, consequently, heavysubsidies are drawn from the Colonial Exchequer. But we promised that the subsidies should not be stopped without our endeavouring to provide some efficient sub* stitute for parts of the colony where roadmaking has to be canied on under very die- J advantageous circumstances. Many parts of the colony are less fortunately situated than we are here. In road districts or counties where there exists a large area of Crown lands, and a comparatively small area of freehold, but where roads have to be made, the charge falls very hardly upon the freeholders who aie there. Many districts, again, owing to being covered, or largely so, by forests, could not possibly make their reads without assistance from the Government. Assistance, therefore, will be provided in a way which, while entailing less pressure upon the Colonial Treasury, will, I trust, provide efficient assistance for those district? where such help is really required.
PROPOSED BILLS. We shall introduce the measures of electoral reform that were not passed last session— a Bill for the Regulation of Elections, a Bill for the Prevention, of Bribery and Corruption, and a Bill as to the Trial of Election Petitions. The last named measure will provide that petitions of the kind shall in future be tried, not by the House of Representatives, but by Judges of the Supreme Court — an absolutely impartial tribunal, in which politics have no influence, and whose decisions are not likely to
be questioned, as those of Parliamentary committees always are. We hope to iotroduce at an early period of the session a Bill for the Redistribution of Seats. (Applause) The existing distribution has become unfair through the growth of population being greater in some parts of the colony than in others. This unfairness is especially felt in the Canterbury district and in Otago. The first consideration in the allotment of representatives will be population, but it will uot be by any means the only consideration. (Applause). We think that other things should be taken into consideration also ; for instance the permanency of the population — whether it is of a really settled character or not. The question of contribution to the revenue should have something to do with the matter, and the facilities any particular district may have for making its influence felt in Parliament aud by the Government, eliould also be taken iato con* sideration. After carefully weighing all these points we shall lay before Parliament proposals for redistributing the representation in a manner which, while doing justice to those districts that are now insufficiently represented, will, I trust, not do injustice to any part of the colony. (Applawe). NATIVE LAND REGULATION. With regard to the native question, we find that the laws bearing upon the subject have, in the course of years, become very complicated. Amending Acts have been passed uutil there exists great confusion. We ptopose to, sweep away entirety the existing legislation ou the subject ; and we have prepared a serie3 of Bills tor dealing with it. One Bill will deal with the Native Lands Court ; aad it will, I hope, be found to introduce considerable amendments in the working of the Couit, and to simplify its procedure. Another Bill will deal with that most difficult question, the alienation or pm chase of native lands. The policy of New Zealand on this question may bo called a z ; gzag policy, When I first became acquainted with New ' Zealand politics, the sole right of the Crown to purchase native lands— :a right given by the Treaty of Waitangi— was in full furoe. But it wa3 very much complained of ; and, after a great deal of agitation, private purchase was allowed. After that had been in operation some time, the Government again came ipto the market, and they spent a large amount of money, not very satisfactorily, iv the purchase of native lands. When the late Ministry came into office they declared that this system must "be put an end to— that the Government must cease from such purchases. However that Government altered their opinion upon the subject; and although there is no, actual prohibition of private purchases, they have been to a large extent stopped by the use of a power of proclaiming areas of land as under negotiation by the Government. The whole question is, as I have said, a very difficult one. It is, in my opinion, not possible to propose any course against which serious difficulties may not be raised. What we propose i* to adopt a ourse, which you may remember, has been advocated by the Native Minister, of which I expressed myself favourably when I last spoke in this hall, and which was, in fact, proposed 1 many years ago by a late Chief Justice— Williona Martin. The proposal isth,atwhen the Government shall, when the natives wish it, siirvey their lands, and fthall enable them to get the title decided in the Native Lands Court; that when natives wish to dispose of their lands, the Government will sell for them, in such blocks, and subject to such conditions as will conduce to settlement, and as will be most bene- 1 ficial to the natives themselves ; that from the proceeds there shall be deducted by the Government, before handing them over to the natives, the costs of survey, of taking the land through the 'Court, and alao a reasonable contribution towards the making of roads in the district. We have been told that others before us have be°n very anxious to push forward a bill of this kind. I can only say I have never seen the least evidence of anything of such a thing. But it is not our practice to talk very long about things : in the present case, we have a Bill prepared for the purposes 1 have indicated, and it will be introduced as soon as Parliament meets. (Applause.)
JNATIVE LAND PURCHASES. I should like, if you will bear with me, to give you briefly some illustration of the way in which Government purchase of native lands has worked. Between 1864 and 1879 a large area of these lands was purchased ; a large amount of public money was spent, and the in judiciousness of the purchases, as well as the character of ithe land bought, may be gathered from the figures I am about to give you. In the Auckland district, during the period named, there was handed over to the Government 1,153,000 acres. How much of that do you thiuk has been sold ? 691 acres In Taranaki the result has been better, out of 182,000 acres purchased from the uatives 52,000 acres have been sold to Europeans. In Hawke's Bay, of 133,000 acres pui chased only 26,000 acres have been sold; and in Wellington, out of 383,000 acres purchased, the sales have amounted to no more than 42,C00 acres. This proves that a large amount of the public money has been thiown away, and I could give you further illustrations of the fact if time admitted of it.
LIOfIKSING AND CHARITABLE AID. We have carefully considered the iraportant question of the licensing ot public houses. Our laws upon the subject are in I great state of confusion, I Jbelieve there are not iess than twenty-six Acts or Ordinances by which the matter is regulated in the various parts of the colony. We have a Bill prepared, which, while dealing very strictly with everything of the nature of abuse, will Dot treat respectable licensed publicans as if they were necessarily criminals. (Applause.) As to local option, what we believe is a fair proposal ia this— that with respect to all licenses, residents or ratepayers in the district shall be at liberty to give a veto ; but we do not thiuk it reasonable that snch a principle should apply to licenses that have been continued for any amount of time, and with respect to houses well managed and in the hands of respectable persons. At any rate we do not think the application of this piinciple would be reasonable unless there was compensation, which we do not see our way to provide. (Applause.) Then there is the very important and difficult question of the maintenance of hospitals, and providing for Charitable Aid. We propose to deal with it, by fixing by law the responsibility in ascertained quarters. At present, that responsibility is very undefined. We propoes to divide the colony into districts, having community of interest in these matters and likely to avail themselves of the same charitable institutions. We propose that in each distiicl a B6ard shall be elected by the local bodies ; to leave such Board to say how (he institutions shall be managed and how supported ; and to give to the Board the right— if the institutions are not providedforb} voluntary contributions or in some other way — to call up the local bodies to make provision amongst them, in proportion to population, for one-half the costs of the institutions ; the ether half to be pioyided out of the colonial exchequer. We believe that a measure framed upon this basis ■will, while it encourages private benevolence, not absolutely leave the sick and indigent to what might, after all, be an uncertain and precarious source of support. (Applause.)
CONSOLIDATION Of LAWS. Very great progress has been made in (he consolidation of the statutes. A Commission, you may remember, was appointed for that purpose. We shall be able to present to Parliament fourteen Acts, which will consolidate no less than sixty statutes upon a number of important subjects. This is a work which I am. sure will prove to be of very great utility.
THE PROSPECT OF OPPOSITION. There are several other social questions with which we propose to deal next session, but I must not detain you by referring: to them. From what I have said you will see that we hope the coming session will be one of work rather than of talk. We think there have- been many sessions ■in which there has been a great deal of mere talk, and we hope for a change. No doubt there is what has been called the " burning question " of the Legislative Council and its constitution, as well as the question whether the Queen shall confer titles of honour here without the consent of the Ministry of New Zealand. (Laughter.) But all that kind of thing, we think, may very fairly stand over until a more convenient season. I have told you what is our bill of fare for the coming session. How it will be dealt with must depend in some measure on the geutlemen composing the body known as Her Majesty's Oppohitiou. We have been told that we are to have a compact and organised Opposition during the coming Bession. I trust we may. An Opposition properly constituted is exceedingly valuable. It is valuable as a check on the Government; it is valuable by sometimes enabling an under* standing to be come to between members holding different opinions, and so exped* iting consideiably the despatch of public business. I am, however, bound to say that 1 do not see many evidences at present of such an organised and compact Opposition as I desire. I tiust that we shall not have a desultory kind of Opposition without any organisation, as this gem rally delays the business of the country, and in many coses brings the session to a close without much practical result.
ELECTIVE GOVERNORS. We, are told, gentlemen, that the keynote of the policy of the Opposition was to be sounded by Sir George Grey in speeches at Auckland, and Chmtchurcb, and we have not been disappointed. In these speeches he sounded a very important key-noie, pointing to considerable alteration .in the Constitution of the colony. He proposed that the Governor of this colouy shall not in future be appointed by the Queen, but that he shall be elected by ourselves. Now that is a proposition which I shall feel it my duty to resist to the uttermost. (Cheers.) A Governor owing his appointment to the Queen, owing no duty to any party, owing no allegiance to any party, can aad does hold the balance of power with an eveu- hand between the parties in the colony. , But is it likely that this would be the case if he were elected in the colony ? Would he not be likely to use his power for the support of the party with which he is identified, and by whom he was elected ? I hold that our system of parliamentary government} which gives to the people real control over the adminstration of the Government, is incompatible altogether with the proposed scheme of an elected Governor. It is indispensable in my opinion to the carrying out of that system that we should have a gentleman as Govenor who has to ask no favours from any party, nor any to give. We have had an example of the working of the system of elected Governors in the provinces with the /Superintendents who were elected by the people. Did they work smoothly with responsible Miuisters ? No, they did not. Were not the Superintendents much too often at war with their responsible advisers ? The introduction of a system of elected Governors would soon lead to the same state of things as exists in the United fctates, where the President is elected. The Governor, once elected, would be Governor for tbo fiill term of his office, and you would have him and his hangers-on for that term over you, and the people of the colony would for that period srerifice their control over the Government of the colony. (Cheers.) .Another reason why I object to the election of the Governor is that, in my opinion, it strikes at the root of the imiou of the colonies with Great Britain (Cheer?.) Practically it means taking the first step towards constituting this colony into a petty Republic instead of remaining a colony, of the British Crown. I trust I shall never see this. (Cheers ) I hope to live and die under the flag under which ' I was born. (Cheeis.) I am proud to be a citizen of the British Empire ; proud of its power and its history, and never, while I have breath in my body will I agree, if I cau help it, to a step which shall sever this colony from the Mother country. (Cheers.)
MINISTERIAL CLAIMS TO SUPPORT. With regard to the immediate political future much depeuds ou the decisions of the people as expressed in meetings such as this. If you believe it desirable to have> p Government which shall go vapouring about the colony at public meetings, exciting the passions aud flattering the prejudices of 1-irge audiences, by setting forth & number of imaginary grievances and visionary remedies, at he same time neglecting the pract.cal work of the Government of the colony, and allowing its finance to drift into confusion, then you had better get rid of us at once. But if, on the other baud, you desire to have a Government which discards such proceedings as those, but which is willing to devote itself honestly to the task of intioducing economy and efficiency into the administration, to neglect no opportunity of developing the great resources of New Zealand ; above all, to watch carefully over its credit, and by a sound and honest system of finance, place that credit on a firm basis— if the people of New Zealand wish to have such a Government, then I claim, without hesitation, the support of the people for the gentlemen who are associated with me in the work of the boveinment of the colony. (Loud cheers.) I apologise for having detained you so long, and thank yoa sincerely for the patience with which you bave listened to me. (Loud cheers.) Th Chairman then asked whether any gentlemen had any questions to put to their representative. After a j>ause an elector came forward and handed up the following :— I rise on behalf of the fishermen to tender to you our grateful thanks for what you have done for UB. The Provincial Council allowed us to build our houses and settle on the fishing reserve, and without any notice to us at all the reserve was let, and we were to be turned out, and allouv haid-eamed savings which we had expended upon our houses taken from us. It was said to us by many that you would not take any trouble with us, who are poor men, but we thought we would have it put before you and see. By your timely action you have saved us from greatbardship, allowed us to make an honest Jiving, and prevented a great injustice being done. We are now settled there with our wives and families, who all joiu us in thanking you.
HAVE THE MINISTERS GIVEN GRANTS OP LAND? Mr McLaughlan asked whether it was tiue, as stated by Sir George Grey, that th
Government were giving large grants of land to their friends Was this the case ? Mr Hall replied that he had seen statements of the kind in print, but for the life of him he didn't know what was meant by them. He knew of no grants being made, and he certainly had a right and would know of it were there anything in it. (A voice : " They are not making grants to those who are entitled to them, let alone to anybody else.") Question— What amount of money would the property tax raise ? Mr tlall said this was an exceedingly difficult question to answer at the present time. It was intended to yield £400,000 or thereabouts, but it bad undergone some important alterations, which might reduce the atnount to be raised under it by between £100,000 and £200,000. It was most difficult to give a decided answer to the question at present. MrGammacksaidtheGovernmentclaimed to be a most economical one, but lie had seen that certain members had stated that they hid got a good deal more for their districts from the. Hall Government, than they ever could from the Grey Government. How could these statements be reconciled with an economical policy. Mr Ball said the questioner first found Tacts for himself, and then answers to suit them. Mr Masters, mentioned by Mr Gammack, bad certainly had some conversation with himself in reference to works for Greyraouth harbour, and he had told that gentleman what opinion he entertained as to the work, but no promise had been given him. As to Mr Lundon, he (Mr Hall) thought that if he was acquainted with the hon. member Mr Gammack would, not ask for an answer. In respect to Mr Colbeck, also referred to by the questioner, it was true a promise had been made for a certain sum for continuing a railway to a valuable coalfield in Mr Colbeck's district. It was an undertaking of public importance and benefit, and as such had been dealt with as in other instances where public works of benefit to the whole colony were concerned. In reply to other questions, Mr Hall stated that a bill had been prepared equalising the Dog Tax throughout the colony, and that the necessity for amended Bankruptcy legislation was under consideration, but he could not promise a bill this session. Mr W. Miles arose,' and stated that it gave him very great pleasure in moving a vote of thanks to Mr Hall for his able address, and of renewed confidence in him as the representative of Selwyn district. The motion was seconded by Mr MeLaughlin, and on being put was carried unanimously amid loud cheering.
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Waikato Times, Volume XV, Issue 1238, 5 June 1880, Page 1 (Supplement)
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15,149THE HON. JOHN HALL AT LESSTON. Waikato Times, Volume XV, Issue 1238, 5 June 1880, Page 1 (Supplement)
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