SIR GEORGE GREY IN AUCKLAND.

Waikato Times, Volume XIV, Issue 1228, 13 May 1880, Page 2

SIR GEORGE GREY IN AUCKLAND.

Address at the Theatre Royal. On Tuesday night the late Premier addressed a very large audience in the Theatre Royal. The circle was comfortably filled by ladies, and gentlemen attending ladies, while the lower parts of the building were crowded. On the motion of Mr J. Shera, Captain McKenzie took the chair. A large number of gentlemen occupied the platform, and included Messrs P. Dignan, M.L.0., Speight, M.H.R., Tole, M.H.R., Wallis, M.H.R., Moss, M.H.R., Hainlin, M.H.R., Harris, M.H.R., J. M. Shera, E. K. Tyler, T. Cooper, E. Cooper (Grand Master Oddfellows), J. W. Robinson (Mayor of Parnell). Sir George Grey, who was loudly cheered on his appearance on the stage, having been briefly introduced by the chairman, commenced his address by referring to the subject they were met to consider. He then continued : In speaking to you I propose, as far as poss ble, to confine myself to general questions of policy — questions in which we all have a deep interest, and in respect to which apathy of any kind should be avoided as much as possible. I think that, as founders of a great nation, we are at liberty to take counsel, and to determine what the I future of that great nation is to be, by what steps we are to advance in the future, and we will best consult our own diguity in dealing 1 with broad and general principles. Having regard to what are matters of the deepest concern, in which not only New Zealand but other parts of the empire have the deepest interest, and applying such general principles to our own peculiar wants as far as possible. The first view that presents itself to our mind is the important position which we occupy as a colony ; next, the advantages we possess, and we have to determine what we should do to make this country what it should be. We must glance back for the purpose of acertaining the full meaning of the position in which we at present stand. It is our duty to deliber- , ate upon the character of the institutions, customs, manners, and laws, which will promote our own happiness, and the welfare of our children, and perhaps our children's cliildren. I think you will first of all agree AVith me that the greatest [ products which any country cau present are noble men and women. The greater the number the more prosperous that country must be. If every inhabitant of a nation were such es he or she ought to be, that nation would be perfect. No such nation has the world ever seen. The nearer approach we make to the standard the better for ourselves, and the better for those who come after us. Therefor 0 , I say this, what we have to do is to pl.infc institutions in New Zealand, to see that they are such institution*, and so planted as will produce fruit of the finest knd — nobility of character, public morality, and religious feeliug — all that can enoble men, all that can render happy man's state to him, and make him certain of happiness hereafter. (Cheers.) He then went on to explain that the condition of the jwesent clay rendered this work comparatively easy, and pointed out that they had the moulding of the whole future of New Zealand in their hands. He then explained how difficult it is to root out and displace old established institutions, and cited the example of France in proof. He said they had no difficulty of this kind in New Zealand, as our institutions were all young and could be changed. He complained of the abolition of the Provinces, and continued as follows : Such an alteration as has been made, if it was necessary to have been made at all, should have been succeeded by some form equally efficient, and you should not have been compelled to fall under a quasi despotism such as now prevails in New Zealand. I saw recently by a report of a speech made by Sir William Fox, that he told his hearers, that the great - difference between his party and mine were this — that lie and his friends intended to set up institutions according to the American form, whilst my object was to establish a republic, such as they have in Faance — that I was something of a Communist, and was the enemy of all constitutional Government. Now, .Sir William Fox and his friends have never attempted to establish free institutions in this country. I will be able to convince you of this presently. Tho idea of my .setting up or imitating any republic iv France never entered my mind, and nobody would have attributer l to me uutil perhaps they found it in their speech. Sir W. Fox was to have been one of tho great loaders of party in this couutry, and was even to be Premier when my Government went out of office, Whit analogy, I would as>k, for a momont c m be found between the Government which exists here and that which exists in the United States ? In the United States in.ste.id of a nomin ited Governor they have a President elected by tho whole people, with tho moderate salary for S3 gront anxtiou of .-CjJOOO a-year. Hce we have a Governor, nominated by the Crown, with a salary exceeding by about one thiid that of the salary of the great Prcsideut of the United States — an lucorao which appears to rae to be much greater than is at all nececessary, aud to that extent damages the whole community. For you may rely ou this, that if you pay your chief officer extravagantly, requiring him to give grand entertainments to make a great .show of wealth, such is the flunkeyism of human nature that a large number of people will copy him (Uughter and cheers), for such is the example that will be set before their admiring 1 eyes. You will have each Civil servant and each petty magnate of a district trying to imitate the Governor both in tho extent and form of his expenditure. You will have a waste of money that is neither beneficial to the waster nor to those who enjoy ifc. Nothing, it appears to me, could be worse than that for the whole community. I j am of opinion that your Governor should be chosen by yourselves; he should be one who sympathises with the people of the couutry. That great office should be open to every citizen ; it should be an object of ambition for all — to the men who are fitted to occupy it ; the parents and friends of those who aspire to it. Sir George then went on to say that the having a nominee Governor gave the English Government of the day the patronage and p.iy of a great office, which they used for party purposes. He also pointed out that no titles existed in America, and referred to the action of the Home Government in conferring certain titles without consulting the Colonial Premier, which he characterised as an attempt to set up an aristocracy in this country. He continued as follows : What is the analogy between the Government of New Zealand and the United States in reference to representation? Myself and my friends in the Representation Act proposed, to give manhood suffrage, and to take no suffrage that was in existence away. The present Government have given manhood jsullragc, but they have al&o given additional suffrages of additional kind — landholders — at the WW time tljat they took away tho sutthigo

from tenants, that is, the persons who mainly occupied the land. The object of this was to throw power into the hands of the owners, and to take all power from lessees. There is no analogy surely in this and the customs which prevail in America. I now come to another point, and I know that upon this I am speaking perhaps adversely to general opinion. We have been told that representation is to be granted according to population, and that in the distribution of seats Auckland is not to be affected by that principle. That is, that you shall have one member more than would be allotted to you on the basis of population. Now, they have laid down a principle, but they are going to depart from it in order to conciliate you. I would ask you to have nothing to do with anything of this kind. Do not be misled in that way. Remember that before long Auckland will carry a much greater population than the Middle Island. If the principle is right that representation should be according to population, then I would ask you to set a noble example, and not to have an extreme regard to self. You should arise like one man to support a principle. I am sure you will insist upon justice and right being done. It is not in your interest that any concession is made. It ia in tho interest of great land ownera who want to give value to their property. They are not the class amongst whom sacrifices for the public good a c to be fouud. Such sacrifices are often to be found among the poorest families. The truest integrity is found from youth uplrards, amongst those who have had to help themselves. Now the proposal to give you an unfair amount of representation is not upon the American principle. It appears to me to be more injurious* to break the principle than to be without the advantage which the breach of it would give. I next come to the subject of land. The mode these gentlemen have adopted for securing largo areas for themselves was resting not on + he American principle. The principle has been to grasp the land by the most unfair methods. When I was in office, we laid it down as a principle that every man should be placed in the position to participate in benefits of tho sale of Native lands. These gentlemen permitted the passing of a law by which Native lands might be disposed of by the Govern raent, the natives getting the money, and getting value for their land without being swindled, and made drunk, as they are now. Their lands would be put up to auction in smaller convenient parcels, so that eveiy unknoAvn person would have the opportunity of competing 1 for thc&c lands if he pleased. We proposed a system of deferred payments which gave still greater facilities. By that system justice would have been done to all parties, but under the present system your benefit in the Native lands has been practically taken away, and in course of time nothing will be lef fc for you or your children. Was this according to the best manner of the American system ? What we proposed would not only have done justice to all parties concerned but it would have prevented natives being treated in the abomiuable manner in which we now know they have been treated. Some of you may ha7e read Or heard a speech delivered by Mr. Sheehan in tlu Mechanics' Hall last year. I would advise you to read that speech if you would have all the information that is to be obtained on the subject. Something ought to be done in the next session of Parliament that would put an end to the present iniquitous system. I believe that, within the space of a few months, enormous properties have been acquired by persons, and the acquisition of these properties must prejudice the future of yourselves and your children. When the present Government came into office they alleged a deficiency — they said it was very large — indeed they said it was a wonderful deficieuc} r . They said the whole country had been hoodv. inked, and deceived. But what was the fact ? There was indeed a deficiency in the revenue, which amounted to between £SO,OOO and £90,000. That was a deficiency caused iv the falling off in the land revenue. £350,000 worth less of land was sold, and but for that circumstance, there would have been a surplus, But the land was there. It could not be made away with ; it cost nothing for storage, nothing for keeping, and was increasing in A'alue every day. In a year or two, the price obtainable for that land would have been greatly enhanced. Nobody was injured by keeping it. Would the merchant say that he was bankrupt because he had kept his goods until he could get a higher price? Remember that this deficiency was made up by themselves. They made up their own estimate. Thuy could make up any deficiency they liked- It was a deficiency for the existing year. They had only to put down sums of money for works never intended to be executed — ■ (laughter and cheers) — in Auckland or anywhere else, and might call that a deficiency, because they had not the money to meet them. That is no deficiency at all. But you are told that a deficiency has taken place in the revenue, that not having come to what was expected. .Speaking of taxation, the lion, gentleman complained of the meanness exhibited by the large landowners in placing the burden of taxation on the shoulders of the poor by means of the Custom House. He said : What analogy is there between such a system and the system that obtains in that great country? There there is freedom, plenty, and content. Then there is what I call a yw»«-despot;isni, the promise of enormous taxation upon poverty, and the indisposition on the part of those best able to bear it to contribute to the securities of the State. They denounce me as a Communist, who is leading you to the worst errors of the French Republic. I have given a reply — a sufficient reply to that imjwtation. I only want justice for the people of this new country, and I teel sure that those who hear me are able to weigh iv their own minds whether these geutlemtn or myself are in the right. A nation, like an individual, has its period of infancy, He then proceeded to point out how careful we should be of forming the habits of a new country, and illustrated his remarks by reference to Lor* 5 Macaulay's antipathy to the hereditary aristocracy. He then said: Now, the question with us is this— we believe that a nation may be shaped and formed almost as you please— of course it depends upon the material you have to work, and all who know New Zealand will admit that from end to end there was never better material to work with in any country — there never was a more favorable chance for raising up a great nation than there is here and now. We recognised this fact, that the basia of all future prosperity is education, we insisted upon a free education for the people, and education of the most solid kind, so that every child in Now Zealand might have the means of educational improvement within its reach— There was some difficulty in carrying the measure, but it was carried Those gentlemen who told us that they were following out the American principles were try ing a very different plan. The one object we had in view was to lay the foundation of a great nation to rise up at some future day in New Zealand. The fate of New Zealand must depend on the manner in which it will have to travel in the march with other countries of the world, in the manner iv which it will be able to apply the forces of nature for the benefit of the men who reside here. I speak ot the various iudu&tiies aa4 numuf.a.otor.ieg

which exist in tho world. You know that from the improvements of the steamengine we have wrested from the powers of nature many benefits for mankind. From inventions of various kinds we have applied the powers of nature to the purposes of society. Year by year greater discoveries will be made. Every generation of man knows more and accomplishes more than the preceding generation, because knowledge is in- * 'creasing. The. fate of New Zealand will depend upon those who can make such inventions — who can promote such discoveries as ill place under the control of its inhabitants the whole of the forms, aud forces, and wealth which it possesses. This is to be done by the development of the human mind, and the basis of that development is the education of the people. (Cheers ) Depend upon it, your schools will hereafter be the fertile springs of invention and discovery. Therefore, it becomes us to insist that humanity shall be educated, and in our own country that education shall be promoted by every means in our power. Thus you should continue the system of Education, so that every citizen should be able to use the gifts which God has given him freely He enumerated some of the many obstacles to promotion and advancement which at one time obtained in Britain, such! as the purchase system in the army, &c, and contended that such obstacles should not be permitted in New Zealand. He went on to say : I will now turn to one or two points of the greatest interest. Ono is th,e question of the land. It is of such extraordinary importance that I must devote some lengthened time to its consideration. Let us think for one moment what is the state of the country. Now, these "American" gentlemen who are endeavouring to introduce the presentsystem among yon have in plain terms, as I t'hinky ruined the country, certainly for a considerable time to come. I think I can make this perfectly clear to yoii. I will take some members even of the present Government who are either aiding or have paiticipatcd in it. Arrangements have been made by which a few persons have been enabled to grasp some of the finest land in New Zealand. They are in possession of it. I say this has been in most instan es wrongfully done, and that by it an irreparable injury has been inflicted upon the country. Let us take the case of Canterbury — because ' some of the present Ministers were concerned. The law in Canterbury was that the unsold land of the Crown must be open to all— that any man might walk over the country whenever he pleased, and when he came upon a spot which he liked he had only to go to the Land Office at Christchurch, to pay £2 an acre, and the „ land became his. He might go there with his wife, and she might chose it if it was unsold, and if he paid £2 an acre, he got it., But what did- the administrators of the land law in.Cauterbury do ? They made it a rule that no man must take less than twenty acres, because, a* they said, the surveys would noD be regular, and because there were some inconveniences. Well, if a piece of land lay between two roads, or between two streams, or between a stream and a road, they caused it to be laid out in blocks, first of 20 acres, then of 19 1 acres, then of 20 acres, then of 19| acres, and so on. They took up the 20 aorea for themselves, but when an unknown person wen£ to the land office and said, I will have that piece, he was told, " Oh, no, you cannot have t' at piece, because it contains only 19^ acres " In this way, these great land-owners purchased the 20 aore blocks, and had the use of the 19| aores which lay alongside each. And if these pieces of land were put up by auction, what chance had an outside man in competing with those who had almady been in posession of the other lots. He had no chance whatever, and t\ c effect of it was to shut him ©ut completely. Now, in my opinion, that was so gross an act of injustice that the law should set it aside, and the properties bo taken away from those persons who had so improperly obtained them. I think an effort ought to te made to do this. If I had power I would have such an eflort made. If the law as it at present stands is unable to remedy such a wrong I would have a special law made applicable for that purpose, for I do think that a more unjust wrong was never inflicted upon the people of any country in tho world. "Well, you gee those nho have acquired enormous property — I only give you instances which < can be proved — have not in view any useful and ex-public benefit. Blocks of land to the extent of nearly 100,000 acres have been acquired, as I believe, in contravention of law. I only heard the other day of a great land company in Otago, who selected the land in such a way that no person could afford to buy the remaining land in the district. Thus, they were enabled to keep what they had, and to use what was not theirs without any fear of competition. >'ow, I say it is a fraud upon the public. I believe the same thing to a greater or le.«s extent is done throughout the country in every direction. You cannot fail to perceive if you put the whole question to your mind that in future time the ownership of these lands will confer upon their proprietors the ownership of the men who may live upon the land— who will virtually become serfs, while their masteis will be slave-owners. Wo could put, perhaps, one extreme case. The inhabitants who would go ultimately on these blocks of land would have to obey and be subordinate just to the extent that the reward for their labor would be necessary to their existence. If they did not agree to the terms offered them they might starve. They must accept or face that alternative. They must vote as the landlords required them : they must fall in with his wishes as he pleases, and they must submit to him in various ways. He said that causes s'milar to those he had described had produced such results in other countries — Ireland, for instance. The English laborer was, he said, little better than a slave. It is our bounden duty to insist upon the establishment of some system by which every man in the country will have a fair and equal share of acquiring public lands in small blocks — that an end shall be put to the system of native land purchase which now prevails. By allowing the present system to Jpo on you are determining that those whe hall follow you— your children and your descendants— will become serfs in New Zealand, instead of being owners of any part of its soil. This system can only take from the people at large every opportunity of acquiring land in such areas as may be suitable to a jnan's means. Instead of it some fair and equitable system should be adopted, by which all should enjoy absolute freedom in the acquisition of landed property, and no man be placed at the mercy of the idle and the cunning. But thp writers on these subjects have not known one or two things. They have not known the means which have been employed to obtain these advantages. Let us follow this matter up. Who are those great landholders ? Look at your Legislative Council: a most expensive body. It is nominated by the Crown ; it is supposed to be taken as far as possible — suob is the theory — from the clan which includes these large landed proprietors. You have no -voice in the choice of these men : you have no power in determining what are their actual rights and privileges so far as you are affected by them. All that is settled for you in spite of yourselves. Yet no law can be made in New Zealand without the consent of these men. They can alter any law sent to them by the representatives of the people, and send it back so altered. Unless it' is accepted in that condition they will refuse

to pass it. I can assure you that law after law has been so altered by this body as to be made to favor the first landholders of New Zealand, and averse to the interests of the people of New Zealand as a whole. Further, you should recollect that no such institution exists in any other country, exoept New South Wales. Nd such institution was ever heard of before in any civilised country. Let us see what can be done by their instrumentality. You determine to have a certain Ministry. They can resolve to dislodge the Ministry, and do it. A member of the Legislative Council here can resign his seat. The Governor can accept that resignation in spite of the Ministry. The person so resigning can be elected to the House of Representatives — generally for some small constituency that, perhaps, should have no right to return a member at all. If a constituency refuses to accept him, or if he chooseß to abandon his seat, the Governor can call him to the Upper House again, and make him a Minister in spito of the Ministry if he pleases. What right have these men to get these enormous blocks of land by means through which no other person could obtain them P What right have persons who are administrators of the law to obtaiu immense tracts of laud either for themselves or others by means which are not available to all persons in the country ? I say it is the power of unfair appointments to office which gives these advantages to a few people •in New Zealand over the people at large. I will give you another illustration of what I mean. There was a system in New Zealand which I'did, not know of until I was in office— that is, the system of "confidential" letters. The rulo in England is that letters oven so marked will be treated as any ordinary letters. What would be said of any of you if you were to write a '* confidential " letter, asking for 80,000 acres of land upon such terms as wjuld not be allowed to anyone else ? There arc, I bpiieve, several systems at the present moment under which larfe blocks of land are being purchased, and over which the public rights arc being taken. I believe there ia one block of land on which a sum of £5,000 or £7,000 has been paid, and this block is to be bought by some oth* r gentlemen, on condiion of paying that sum of money. The block, I believe, amounts to 200,000 • acres. I believe this matter is in progress at the present moment. If these and similar things are being permitted, youv children, and descendants must become paupers. They mu t live in a state of subordination and Servitude. Consequently, they will have to Ive in a state of comparative ignorance, because, I believe, the education system will be abolished. I saw only thh very day a proposal for abolishing education, and for putting the whole of the taxes on Custonw duties. .This was a proposal to increase the duties on all the necessaries of life, for relieving the land of all charges. Tkis wa« considered a most admirable proposition, and was well taken up and received. (Cries of "Shame.") I say if you do not bestir yourselves to take some step that will place the colony in a state of security against such enrichments, New Zealand "will be irreparably ruined. If this comes to pass, which I have foreshadowed, it is then certain that the ownership of them themselves will pass into the hands of men who own the land. Those persons are legislating in that direction at present in every possible way. They give a man five votes over another man's one. The tenor of legislation I therefore say is contrary to the welfare of the country, and those who regard the future with interest cannot fail to observe it with fear and appreheiisiop. But it is argued that your institutions are becoming venerable. The Legislative Conncil is just twenty-seven years old. They say you must get rid of anything you complain of only constitutionally - that is, by means of the institutions themselves. I say you will never get rid of them in that way. I say that we might follow the example of the United States in matters of this kind, aud these •' American" gentlemen might show us the way. I say we have a right to do as they dc in America —to elect a convention for the express purpose of altering what brings these evils about. I say that such a convention has both the right and the power to amend the Constitution in accordance with the wishes^ of the people, and when the Constitution is amended the people ought to submit to it. That is what is done in the U nited States, and when the people once approve the new law comes into operation I say if those gentlemen who take America for their model are prepared to apply the principles of the United Slates, they ought to be able to apply them in this direction. Unless something is done towards the curing of the abuses which I have already indicated, the people of New Zealand will be plunged into a condition resembling that of the old country. They will continue and accumulate to such an extent that they will exhaust every power that might be available to remove them. I exhort you to consider these matters deliberately and seriously. I have touched upon most of the points which I deemed of importance to lay before you. There were several others upon which I would have liked to have spoken to at greater length, so as to have made them equally clear to your view. I may now say to you, in the words of one of the greatest and most eminent of the prophets — "This night a blessing or a curse has been set before you." You can avail yourself of either, according to the action you may take. You may make such an alteration as may bo necessary for tho welfare of your children. You can do this, not by any compact between yourselves and any other persons. (Hear, hear.) A compact which you never see ! (Ironical cheers.) A compact unknown to us all. (Renewed ironical cheering ) I am of opinion that any compact which is made, the parties to it should come forward and say boldly, " here are the conditions if you want to know them." not, "I have the compact iv my pocket, and you shall not see it. " (Cheers, derisive cheers, and cries of rats.) I make no observation of that kind. I stand entirely upon what I believe to be the rights of my fellow-men, but I do say we have a right to know the terms of any compact which may be made in which our rights may be involved. (Loud cheers.) I say that Government is a cowardly Government that assents to any such compact and refuses to produce it. I say that any such compact should have been proclaimed aloud — should have been exhibited in public places, so that everybody might see it. That is all I need say on that point. If the people of New Zealand do not accept the blessing that is offered by providing for their own welfare, the consequence will lie at their own t door. If they allow themselves to sink into a state of apathy, and their interest to bo dealt with without their knowing how it is dealt with, they will inflict a great wrong upon the future inhabitants of this country. New Zealand will not be the nation that it ought to become. It will probably become inundated with Chinese. France will pour her convicts in amongst you, for they will have power to insult you by landing malefactors upon your shores. If these things are allowed to go on hereafter we shall have poverty in New Zealand. Nor will that be the only punishment of the want of prudence or negligence. Numerous evils will be entailed upon the millions who may come hereafter by the negligence and apathetic carelessness of their forefathers whose business it was to have provided for future safety, whose duty it was to have regard for- ttw welf are. of their deftettdaufes,

and not give them over 'to a fate which must render them unhappy and miserable. I trust you will arouse yourselves from any sense of apathy like it ; that you will insist upon the evils I have pointed out being remedied ; that justice may be done not only to yourselves, but to the people of the country at large. The hon. gentleman sat down amid great and continued applause. The resolution moved by Mr 8. Luke, and seconded by Mr J. T. Boylan, was carried by acclamation. Addresses were, at the desire of the audience, given by Messrs /role, Speight, Dr Wallis, and Messrs Hamlin and Harris, M's.H R. There were loud calls for Mr Swanson, and that gentleman mounted the platform, but }t was borne time before the larrikin element would allow of his proceeding, and it was amidst the most noisy interruptions that hpen- . deavored to explain the' reasons for his secession from the Grey party, to which, however, he took occasion to say he was .bound by no pledge of any kind. He separated from the party because he was opposed to the property vote. On the motion of Sir George Grey a vote of thanks was accorded to the ohair, and three cheers having- been given for Sir George the meeting broke tip.