The Wanganui Chronicle. "NULLA DIES SINE LINEA." WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1905. THE DUMA.

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume XLIX, Issue 12636, 25 October 1905, Page 4

The Wanganui Chronicle. "NULLA DIES SINE LINEA." WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1905. THE DUMA.

Perhaps the most striking proof of the unsatisfying character of the new "constitution " which the Czar has offered to his subjects, per medium of the Duma, is to be found in the eentiments expressed by M. Witt©, in his speech before Solsky's Commission. Clearly, in the opinion of this most enlightened Russian statesman, something more than that offered by the Czar is wanting. M. Witte pleaded for immediate legislation to ensure liberty of the person, of the Press, of conscience, and of meeting. The Czar's grant of a free national constitution, while it may be a real efcep towards <the liberation of Russia, falls far short of all these essentials. Voltaire said of tho holy Roman Empii-e that it was neither holy nor Roman, nor an Empire*, and the "Spectator," adopting this forceful criticism to the latest phase of Russia's domestic policy—the alleged free national constitution—contends that "it is neither free, nor national, nor a Constitution." On tihe contrary, it declares it to be "a clever device to grant tiho minimum substance with the maximum of flourish." The chief provision' is concerned with the establishment of a Duma or National Council "for the preliminary study, and discussion of legislative propositions which, according to the fundamental lams, will be submitted to the supreme autocratic authority by the Council of the Empire." That is to say, the new body will be primarily consultative. Its measures pass to the Council of the Empire, the main bureaucratic authority, for its approval, and it rests with them and the Czar to cay what shall become of the measures voted. Moreover, the Duma can be arbitrarily dissolved at any time by the Czar. Its members enjoy " absolute freedom in expression of opinion on matters within its competence," which, if reasonably interpreted, is equivalent to: a concession of that liberty of speech which" is the prerogative of free Parliament's,, Members can lose their liberty " only by order of the judicial power." But the* law of lese majeste being what it is i|i Russia, this may be a complete check un free speech unless this section is considered to be governed by the one we har-e just quoted. If not, the-Czar may send half the Council to Siberia for a> hostile vote. A member, again, loses his seat if he. is deprived of hie civil rights, and is barred from attendance if, he >ia accused of any crime,—-pro-visions which give enormous chances.of coercion to, tihe bureaucracy- But the leasts satisfactory clauses are those dealing with the competence of the 'CoupciU Nominally the extent of its survey is immense. It is;stated-to hare cognir sanoe of all questions relating to new laws or the suspension and repeal .6% old ones; all departmental and national budgets; the financial " reports of the Comptroller of the Empire; the construction of State (railways; the organisation of joint-stock companies; and. any speoi-al matters irefei*red to it by Imperial decree. It has also the right to call the attention of Ministers to any infractions of existing laws. But it has no machinery to give this authority effect. If it disagrees -with the Council of the Empire—that is to say, with the bureaucracy—the question at issue is to be submitted to a joint oommittee of the two bodies. But if no agreement is arrived at, the matter is to be decided by the General Session of the Council of the Empia-e. Then comes the following clause: —" If a Minister disagrees with the Duma, but if the latter approves the Bill concerned by a twothirds majority, the question shall be referred to the Council of the Empire, which shall lay it before the Czar. Should his Majesty order the Bill to be proceeded with, the Minister or Chief of Department affected shall elaborate a definite draft." In the last resort, therefore, the Czar and the bureaucracy oan quaefli any deliberations which do not please them, and can make any resolutions and measures passed of no effect. Hence, as the " Spectator" points out, " it is with justice that the Imperial author claims in the preamble that the 'fundamental law (regarding autocratic power' has b&em preserved/ The essentials of a Constitution, as they aire understood in Western Europe, are free discussion in substance and not only in name, a franchise on a truly national basis, and the power i;o male© tihe will of the representatives effectiVo. M. Witte recognises that these things are not provided for in the new couatiitution, and he sees, as the world sees, that the Russian people will not be satisfied until something more reasonable is conceded to them by the governing authorities.