MR. FITZGERALD AND HIS COSTITUENTS.

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume 7, Issue 362, 24 September 1863, Page 3

MR. FITZGERALD AND HIS COSTITUENTS.

['flie following Speech was delivered by the above oentlenum to his constituents in the Town Hall, Lyttelton. We loam from the Examiner , that -Mr. E. W. Stafford, was to address his constituents at Nelson, upon the public affairs of the Colony, on Mondav evening lost. We should be glad to be able to publish similar Speeches of the Members of this district.]

Mr. Fitz Gerald, who was very well I received, said : Pie had hoped to be able j to congratulate the meeting that the state ; of political lassitude which existed when little more than a yeai ago the electors ot Ellesmere had done him the honor to elect him to represent them in the Geueial Assembly had passed away, but from the sinalluess of the attendance that night he feared such was not the ease. U pon that j occasion such was the iudifierence to pub- J lie affairs that the constituency of Elies- j mere had elected him not only without j any request on his part that that honor | should be conferred on him, but e\en j without his haviug been informed that i they intended to bestow it. In fact, the first notice which he received on the subject was by a casual paragraph in the public papers, by which he became acquainted with the fact that lie had become the Member for the Ellesmere. He did not however deem , it right in the present crisis in the affairs of the colony to prolong the relations which had arisen between himself and the electors at a period when so little interest had been taken in public affairs. He thought that the time had come when those who were charged with the franchise should have the opportunity of reconsidering the selection they had made. They were all aware that a meeting had been recently held at Christchurch, at which opinions were expressed, not only in the resolutions then passed, but in the general tone of the meeting, and in the manner in which the seutiments of the various speaker’s were received, which displayed a marked hostility to that policy in respect to Native affairs which he had ever advocated. His honorable friend, Mr. Moorhouse, laid accepted the judgment of that meeting as indicative of so fundamental a difference of opinion between himself and his constituents that he had resigned his seat as the member for the Heathcote. He had a right to take that course, because there were, no doubt, a considerable number of his constituents present at that meeting. But lie (Mr. Fitz Gerald) could not assume the same with regard to the district he represented, for there were none of his constituents present. He had therefore taken the earliest opportunity of meeting the electors of the Ellesmere district, for he could not go to the Assembly, without ascertaining whether he still enjoyed their confidence. He could not go to Auckland without a very serious sacrifice of his private interests. That sacrifice lie was ready to make, if he was conscious that he possessed the full confidence and sympathy of his constituents, but he was not prepared to take his seat in the Assembly with his hands tied and to be told he did not represent public opinion. Befoi’o passing to the questions to be discussed that evening he wished to say, that though | this was nominally a meeting of the elect- ! I tors of the Ellesmere district, unless those ! gentlemen claimed, as they had a right to j j do, to confine the speaking and voting to ! themselves, lie (Mr. Fitz Gerald) was de- I sirous that every one should be beard, ! and was quite willing to be bound by the ; opinion of the meeting then assembled, for he did not believe that there was any • difference of opinion between the present | meeting held in the centre of the district, j ! and those who were enrolled as electors. ! He did not come there to ask his conI stituents what their opinions were. He j j did not regard a member as a delegate | sent up to express the opinions of others, j If that doctrine were acted on ; it men could take up any opinions for the nonce | for the purposes of an election, there would I be an end to all the integrity ot pub’ic men, and all consistency ot public conduct, i is duty was simply to tell them wliat his own convictions were—couviotions he would not change to suit any man s views, and their duty was if they did not agree with him to elect another representative. He would now refer to the principal matters which would he brought before the General Assembly, and would tell them how, if they wished him to retain his seat, he would speak and vote upon those questions. The first question woidd be whether the colony should acquiesce in the proposal of the Duke of Newcastle, and should accept the responsibility for the conduct of Native affairs. On this great question he stood before them to advocate the same principles which he had expressed ten years ago, when the electors J of' Lyttelton had sent him to the. first Ge- | neral Assembly as their representative. | It was more than nine years since be had been called on, within a few days after I finding himself for tbe first time in his life a mem'ber of a legislative assembly, ! to propose a policy for the Colony as its i first responsible Minister. He had under- | taken that task in concert with Mr. Weld j and Mr. Bell, from whom, he regretted to j sav, he now dilfered in opinion : and with | VjV. Newell, with whom lie still cordially 1 agreed. The first Bill which he and his

colleagues had 1 rouglit into the House was one to constitute the Executive Government of the Colony ou the new basis of responsible government, and one of I lieofficers. proposed to be created by that measure was a Minister for Native Affairs. It was never dreamed at that.time that the Government of the Colony could be conducted upon a' principle .of divided responsibility, one halt of the Colony being governed by the Governor in person, and the other by the General Assembly. He ventured to say, both for himself and his then colleagues, that it never for one moment crossed their minds that it would be possible to govern the Colony with a divided responsibility, or to introduce the principle of a house divided against itself. And here lie would remark on the argument commonly used by one. party in the Colony, that they were willing enough to accept responsibility for Native affairs in 1854, but are not willing to do so in 1862. They excused the great inconsistency of this conduct by saying that the Natives had in the meantime been subject to mismanagement by the Home Government, that matters -had got into a mess, and that it was not fair now to ask the Colony to accept the responsibility of getting the Colony out of difficulties into which it had been plunged by the impolicy of the Home Government. Now , there was one. answer to that which appeared to him conclusive. It was this—■ What is meant by the Home .Government l The Home Government in this argument meant Governor Browne and nothing else. The. Native affairs had been solely under the conduct of Governor .Browne, and all I the hand the Home Government had had ! in them was simply to sanction the course which Governor Browne adopted. With what consistency then could that party who had consistently applauded and supposed the policy of Governor Browne now turn round and refuse to accept the management of Native affairs on the score of the mismanagement of those affairs by the Home Government, when they were themselves parties to the-] olicy which they now call mismanagement 1 He (Air. Fitz Gerald) had never seen any reason to alter the views he expressed in 1854 upon this question. If any man at that time had told him that the attempt was to be seriously made to conduct the government of the colony on the principle of divided responsibility, lie ventured to say that, without laying claim whatsoever to superior political sagacity, lie would have confidently predicted all the consequences which have followed. It must have been apparent to any one that, wln-n this great problem was presented to the colony,—how can we raise this half savage race, with whom we are irrecoverably tied up for better or for worse, within the limits of these sea-girt shores, how can we bring them into a state of obedience to a common law and induce them to partake with us of a common civilization !—it must have been apparent- to any one tliat the solution of that problem required the whole undivided power of a united government, acting with a firm, vigorous, and consistent policy. You may tell me that it is far-fetched and absurd to su]>];o.se that the King movement—that the desire of the Natives to set up a separate nationality—for I do not disguise from | myself that it is a separate nationality they are striving for, sprung from the I fact of their being ruled by the Governor, i whilst the government of the Europeans ! was vested in the General Assembly. I Gentlemen, it is true that I cannot trace every link in the chain of cause and effect by which one of these events sprung out of the other, but of this I am certain, that the result of a divided government could not have been otherwise. But if I cannot show you how this temper of the Native mind sprang out of the sj’stem of a double government, I can show you this without question, I can show you how the j divided responsibility tied our bands, and piralized our efforts to meet the difficulty i when it first arose. Those who have read '■ the blue books, detailing the proceedings i in the early part of Governor Gore j Browne’s administration, must come to ; the conclusion that there was a constant i ill-concealed antagonism of thought and - 1 policy between tbe Governor and bis Mii nisters in reference to Native questions. : Especially does that appearin the opinions of that man who occupied the most j eminent, position in the counsels of the ' Governor, and whose writings and speeches ! were quoted and admired even in the j English journals, I mean Mr. Ju.tice ; Richmond. It is not to he denied that I considerable difference of opinion p-re- | vailed, and that the result of the differI encc was to cripple the action of the Government at. the very moment when union - and decision were most necessary. This r then I regard as the real basis, as the : bottom of all the evils which the colony i is now suffering under : a divided Go- | vernment. To show you how deeply this | was always impressed on my mind, let mo remind you of the part which I took in ' reference to the Bill which was introduced ! into Parliament, by the Duke of Newcastle, when I was in ’England, in ISdO. . You will remember that a Bill was brought into the House of Lords for the purpose of creating, a board of gentlemen nominated by the Crown, in other words, by the Colonial Office in England who were to have the sole management of j Native affairs. This- was a step still ; further from the right direction ; the ! state of things in the colony was bad ; enough, but they might at ant” moment : be put an end to, and the authority ovr i the Natives transferred to a responsible Minister. But bad this Bill passed, tbe evils which were only accidental and temporary would have become stereotyped and permanent. I saw at once the whole ; danger to the future of New Zealand if 1 this Bill -should pass, and I never worked harder in my life than I did to defeat that measure. With the assistance of some i ' few .'.ov Zealand friends, who lnq peucd

to be in England, Sir Charles Clifford, Mr. Hull, and others, we organised an opposition to the Bill. I wrote pamphlets, called on Members of Parliament without number, from Lord Derby to John Bright, sind enlisted in our favor the powerful advocacy of the Times. The result was that, though it was the very end of the session, and comparatively few members were in town, and the Government had an, overwhelming majority, the Bill became so unpopular that we beat it in the House of Commons, and it had to be withdraw u. The same principles which induced me to bestow so much time and trouble to defeat that Bill I am here to advocate to-night. And, Gentlemen, I

congratulate you that the Duke of Newcastle has changed hi 3 opinions and has at last adopted the same views. Every word of the Duke’s recent dispatches to the colony, in which he enforces upon us all responsibility in Native affairs, are utterly contradictory of the principles of the Bill of 1860. His Grace is not now advocating a policy, he is submitting to a necessity. It is utterly impossible that there can for long be two Governments within the shores of these islands, and the Duke of Newcastle is now right in putting au end to it. I tried in vain to press these views on the Mouse of Representatives last sessiou, but, without effect That miserable address was passed which has been so severely criticised in the press of England, very unfairly no doubt, but I really think only in the manner we might have expected. When this question then is brought before the General Assembly, I shall advocate a return to the 'position of 185-1, and that the Parliament of the colony shall henceforth have sole and absolute and supreme authority within these islands, over Natives and Europeans alike. Now I come to the next question—as to the future policy to be pui’sued. I shall be asked whether I will pledge myself to do nothing which will stop the war. I will not give .such a pledge. I want to know a good deal about this war before 1 pledge myself not to do what I can to bring it to an end. I am inclined to think that it was necessary at the time, though I am deeply convinced that we have ourselves created the circumstances, which have made it necessary. An argument has frequently been used by what has been called the war party—it was

used by M. Weld at the meeting at •Y Christchurch the other day—it is said that Governor Browne was the first Governor who endeavoured to enforce the authority of the law, and so came into collision with the Natives which could not be avoided.

Now I am not going to say one word which can detract from the high character which Governor Browne so justly holds in the estimation of the public of this Province. No one has a greater admiration than myself for the honorable, chivalrous, and generous qualities which endeared him to all who knew him. It seems only as yesterday, Sir, that I sat in that chair which you now occupy, whilst on my right sat Governor Browne at the public dinner at which we entertained him during the first short visit which he paid to us in this Province, and I for one never shall forget the affection and esteem which even in that short time he won fiom all .with whom, he came in contact. But a man may be honorable, and good, und generous, and loveable, and yet he may not be a very able or a very wise man. I am not going to defend the first administration of Governor Grey. I shall never forget the feelings with which I first applied my mind to Native affairs when I came into office, immediately after Governor Grey had left the Colony. There can be no. doubt that the government of Sir George Grey was a very able one. He learned their language, he translated their poetry, he quoted their songs and traditions, he chatted with them, he fed them with flour and sugar, he appeased them,, and I am afraid he cajoled them. But as to any political institutions he left }>ehind him a perfect blank. He went away taking the whole of his Native policy with him, leaving no records of the past, and no policy for the future. Excepting the .Resident Magistrate’s Ordinance, which up to that time had been very partially acted on in Native districts, I know of nothing which Sir George Grey left which can be called a system or a policy. But it is not to be denied that his personal influence with them was at that time enormous. I pass over the short A dminirstration of Colonel Wynyard, which in Native policy was distinguished for the one fact that lie welcomed and shook hands with the chief who had. brutally murdered our old ally and Magistrate, JRawiri, when engaged on the survey of land he had actually sold to the Crown. That one fact did more than anything else to bring the British and the British Government into contempt with the I'atives. Now I. vil not dispute the position that up to that time no serious attempt had been made, to introduce the authority of the law into the Native districts. But it is said that Governor Browne adopted a new policy with that object. Let me refer to a few facts in his career to see if that assertion can be substantiated. There were several phases in Governor Browne’s career. At first he clung in a great measure to the Missionary party, and was under the influence of the Bishop of New Zealand and others. You all recollect the affair of the Kawau powder. The Coromandel Natives came down one night and broke open the store, and stole all the powder belonging to the Mining Company. What did Governor Browne do on that occasion ? Did he vindicate the majesty of the law ? Not a bit of it. Mr. McLean went’ down and saw the powder in the pah, aud the Natives refused to give it up. But Governor Browne got the Bishop to work upon the neighbouring tribes, and so they were induced at last to bring it back. Let me take another case. You remember Mr. Fenton’s expedition, to the Waikato. At.

that time, which may be called Governor Browne’s second phase, he was acting more in reliance upon the old Native Department. The King movement had commenced, and Mr. Fenton was sent at the wish of the Ministers to organize something like a social and political system amongst the Waikato tribes to operate on the King movement. But Mr. Fenton and his mission were regarded with the greatest jealousy by the Native department. He obtained neither sympathy nor support, and at last was recalled. That recall was a great blow to British interests, for it alienated the affections and the confidence of all those who supported him, whilst it did not conciliate one of those who opposed him. It struck at the root of all confidence in the Government. I will take another case. I have spoken of the murder of Rawiri, which occurred in Colonel Wynyard’s time. After that Katatore never left the neighbourhood of his pall for two or three years. At last lie came one day into New Plymouth, it is said at the desire of Mr. Parris, and on his way liome’he was savagely murdered on the Queen’s highway, on the Queen’s land, within sight of the settlers’ houses. Did Governor Browne bring the murderers to justice ? He did not. Then I am justified in saying that the assertion that Governor Browne for the first time introduced a new policy into the colony and upheld the authority of the law any more than his predecessors, lias no foundation in fact. It is true at last that the miserable case of the Waitara purchase, arose, and then he took a course which wore to the natives the aspect, not of upholding the law, but of grasping the land. The natives of course said, “ the law has been violated in every possible manner, and uo attempt has been made to vindicate it, but the moment the occasion is one of getting land, then you are ready enough to defend the authority of law.” 1 maintain therefore that no consistent attempt has been made to defend the dignity of the law, or to introduce it amongst the natives. Now I beg that you will not think that these are matters which do not concern you. They concern every one of you. The Colonial Government is now spending money at the rate of a million and a half a year. Where is it all to come from ? It must fall upon us : sooner or later we shall have to pay a vei’y large share, and you have a right to interfere in a policy which throws so heavy a burden upon yourselves. Now, gentlemen, I wish to say a few words on the subject of the resolutions I moved in the House of Representatives last session, and which I intend to move again and again, so long as I shall be a Member of that House, until I obtain their recognition. You are aware of the nature of those resolutions; you know that they declared all the inhabitants of these islands to be equally subjects of Her Majesty and equally entitled to all the rights and privileges of British subjects ; and especially they proposed to give the natives a share in the legislature aud government of the colony. No doubt some of you think that that is an impracticable dream. I think I can show that it is far otherwise. Do you think 1 am so foolish as to suppose that the giving a native a vote will solve every difficulty in his government. Are you the better for having votes ? Is there any mysterious power in going up to the hustings aud giving a vote for a candidate which makes you better men ? No ; but it is the feeling of all that the power of voting implies. The vote is the symbol of the great truth that you are each of you a part of the government under which you live, that you are not living under laws imposed on you from without, and maintained by external force, but under laws to which you have given your free consent and therefore cheerfully obey. Take again the institution of Juries. I have had this recalled to my mind in the last few days by attending as a grand juror the trials in the Supreme Court. You have often heal’d the juries made the subject of sneers ; you have heard stories told of absurd verdicts, which juries often give. It may be so sometimes, but not the less do I believe that the great institution which again and again impresses upon the mind of every man the conviction that he is concerned in the maintenance of the law, that he stands as a barrier between the accused aud the caprice of popular passion on the one hand, and the tyranny of despotism on the other ; the consciousness that should he ever by any accident be placed in the position of the accused, he too will enjoy the same protection,—this, 1 say, gives to every Englishman a trust and confidence in the law, and lies at the basis of all those liberties which have made England great. Do you tell me that the Maoris are unfitted to enjoy these institutions ? I tell you they are quite as fit as your ancestors were when these institutions w ere first invented. You make a great mistake if you think that these noble rights and privileges have sprung cut of your civilization. They are not the result of your liberty—but the cause. If then these are the schemes of a dreamer, 1 reply, all i ask is that you shall apply to others the same privileges of government which have made you great. What 1 aimed at was this, that if you could once get the natives to feel that they were a part and parcel of yourselves, to feel that they were making laws as well'as you, to acquire an interest and confidence in your government, you would find every difficulty in the way of carrying the law into force vanish away. Your magistrates, your roads, your posts, would rapidly extend throughout the country. And if 1 may use a baser, but not sometimes less powerful argument, you would find it infinitely cheaper. Look at the expenditure now going on, £ 1,500,000 a year ! And how much did you spend in governing and civilizing the Natives before? Why about £20,000 or thereabouts Give me one-tenth part of what the co'_

lonv is now spending in war, and I am confident that judiciously expended in peace, it would have been sufficient to carry the law into the remotest corner of the'islands. Apart then from every other objection to war as a means of obtaining our end, this must be added, that war is a gigantic financial absurdity. These are no new views hastily adopted. As long ago as 1857, before 1 left the colony for England, I well remember writing to Mr. Stafford, the then Minister, urging upon him that it was hopeless to attempt go verning the natives without bringing some of the principal chiefs into the Government. The hon. member concluded by remarking on the objects to be kept in view in concluding the war. It should be made the opportunity for introducing law throughout the country. He feared the war would not be a short one, and his object would be to bring it to a conclusion the moment the great object of inducing the natives to submit to the law could be attained. He had the utmost distrust in the present Government ; they seemed wholly incapable of conducting the war to a successful issue. They had been dilatory and vacillating throughout, and were now inflicting an infinite amount of mischief on the colony. He contrasted the conduct of Ministers with the manly and courageous language held to the natives by the Superintendent of Wellington, and concluded by saying that such were the views he should advocate in the Assembly, and if they were not those of the meeting he placed his resignation in their hands. The honorable gentleman resumed liis seat amidst loud cheers. At first only a few persons were present but before long the Hall was filled. A resolution was passed with only four dissentients, “ That the meeting would view with regret Mr. Fitz Gerald’s resignation, and requests that he will continue his seat in the General Assembly.