LORD JOHN RUSSELL ON THE ITALIAN QUESTION.

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume 4, Issue 175, 26 January 1860, Page 4

LORD JOHN RUSSELL ON THE ITALIAN QUESTION.

The freedom of the city of Aberdeen was presented to Lord John Russell on the 28th September at a meeting in the Music Hall. As in duty bound Lord John delivered a speech. After some remarks on the subject of Reform of no very definite nature, he laid down the rule of doing as we would be done by as the guiding principle ot his foreign policy, and took up the Italian question. “ Gentlemen, there is a question on which I will Venture to touch before I conclude, because, though not. one in which we have taken an immediate part, it is one in which every Briton must take a deep interest. I allude to that which has taken place, and is taking place, in Italy. (Cheers.) You will permit me to refer to events of' some time back, but which are a clue to that; which is happening at the present moment. For centuries the Italian people—a people both rich in commerce and agriculture—have been subject to foreign Powers—sometimes to the Germans, sometimes to'the French. About 60 years ago, a general, full of youth, full of genius, full of capacity of every kind, both for war and for civil affairs,, entered Italy, and declared that he came to give liberty to that people. The Italian people were delighted—the whole of Lombardy was iu a state of joy and ecstasy, and although his warlike operations were successful, yet for a time it came to be that the French government was the government of Italy, and in 1814 the people of Lombardy were averse to that foreign dominion, and earnestly desired a change. They applied to an English. Mini, ter -to .learn what was to be their fate. The English Minister told them that their fate was. very well settled—that the Emperor of Austria had been kind enough to declare that he would take charge of Lombardy, and therefore he, the English Minister, had only to refer them to the Austrian Minister. Well, they have had this new Government up to 1859—t0 the present time—-and every year they become more and more averse to it. Well, I am not saying whether they were justified in their dislike of the former French government; or of the late Austrian government —I am only telling you what was the fact known to you all—no more. Well, it had occurred some ten or twelve years ago tp some men of very ardent hopes and great literary talents, that these foreign nations had pqt;succeeded" in attaining the affections or confidence of the Italians—that the Italians might, as well; govern‘Ttkly themselves. It was Hot a f ne# notion, but a vpiy natural one. In r IB4B-’49 they made the attempt. Unfortunately they succeeded; so ill that they gave people a great distrust of their power of -self government ; but the Emperor of the French having conquered Lombardy in the present year made a wise and magnanimous declaration that he did not go to conquer'Lombardy

for himself; but that the Italians should be the free citizens of a great country. The Italians, not only in Lombardy, hut in Modena, and Parma, having: acted upon tins declaration, they made temporary and provisional -governments' : to themselves; : declaring that they wish hereafter to be the free citizens off a- great country. : ; fXppldiisf.) Well, * I ask, has there been any'-mischief produced ? Because I think with: regard to this matter off states and nations iregulating their own government, it is not very different from that of a man—say.in this city, of Aberdeen—regulating his own house. But, at the same time, it is possible that a man * may manage his house in such a way 3 ast to be’a great nuisance"to his neighbours. For •• instance, he indy start a pyrotechnic manufactory in his'house, making experiments to try his skill, and it mny be, sending up sky-rockets into ! the air every even • ing in order to see the effect. This Would not seem to he agreeable, because other householders might conceive that their houses might be set on fire. Instead of wishing to ; encourage the gentleman to do whatever lie pleases in fais own house, the Lord. Provost snight be called bn to interfere with that gentleman because he was likely to set fire to the houses of his neigh hour—but has anyihing of that? sort occurred in Italy ? Can any one say there is such a disturbance of order at Milan, Modena, or' Florence, that the neighbours—the Austrians or other neighbours—are called'upon to interfere? (Cheers.) On the contrary, the conduct of this people, just emancipated,: who have been subject to foreign rule for many years, who might have been expected to burst into some excess—possibly some outrage against the persons who (are most odious to them—they have conducted their matters with perfect order-—with such order as if they had been the citizens of a country which had. long been free. (Cheers.) Well, then, gentlemen, I say, though we can claim no credit for having enabled these people, to assert, their freedom—although we have been bystanders, and I think for very good and’ sufficient reasons, have taken no part in the hostilities of this spring ; yet i think we are bound to say—we ,do say, and we have said—that against" any , interference of foreign force to prevent those f people having thoir own government and conducting their affairs as they, like, we do most i loudly and solemnly protest—(loud cheers) — and, therefore, gentlemen, be the terms of the treaty now negotiated what they may, if hereafter, consequent upon that treaty, therb be that of which you have heard, no doubt, and which has been frequently talked of—if ■ there shall be a congress of the powers of Europe—if it shall be the wish of those powers , which have taken part in those hostilities that in the final settlement of Italy and the acknowledgment of the different states belonging to it, the other states of Europe shall take part in these consultations, we might assist only upon one condition, namely, that with respect to using foreign force in order to compel fulfilment of the conditions of peace, whatever they may be, so as not to interfere with the right of the people of this country to manage their own concerns—that, if such should be the object or may be the result of such language, England may stand apart and take no concern. (Loud applause.) But, gentlemen, I feel convinced, and such is the language, not of one of those Powers, but of both those Powers,'that whatever those opinions may be as to what has taken place—and the Austrian government' caiinot be expected to approve of the revolution in Modena and Tuscany—yet i believe neither Power has any intention to interfere by force with the decision of those peoples. I think it a matter ot great importance that it should be so, because that system—which is rather disguised than expressed by the plirase, the balance of power—that system means 1 that the different states shall be independent, that they shall manage their own, concerns, and that no one state shall have the preponderance in Europe or dictate what ; should be the constitution, or what this country in independence long acquired, it is not only our interest, but I think it must.be our wish, to see that every state in Europe, whether they prefer a system which we think not compatible with libeity, or whether they prefer a just and temperate system of representative monarchy, or whether they prefer any other form of government, provided they do not interfere with their 1 neighbours—l think that the independence of the several states of Europe is an object which Great Britain ought to feel a sympathy, and interest in. And now, I feel I have troubled you too long; but if so, you must impute it to the kindness you have shoWn to me. Be assured that, so far as I am concerned, while I have the honour to hold the seals of the 1 Foreign Office, it shall be for no mean purpose, for no selfish interest, that I shall endeavour to use the name, and influence, and authority of Great Britain. This , country holds high a beacon which may save the rest of the world. It .is not for us to arrogate and dictate with respect to what'"they shall do, but it is our duty when we do speak to speak in the language of a. free people, as the loyal and obedient subjects of a monarch who reigns in the affections of her people.” (Loud cheers.} The proceedings terminated with three cheers for “ the youngest citizen.”