Wairarapa Times-Age WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 27, 1940. RELATIONS WITH JAPAN.

Wairarapa Times-Age, 28 August 1940, Page 4

Wairarapa Times-Age WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 27, 1940. RELATIONS WITH JAPAN.

i CABLEGRAM from London, the other day gave some extracts from an article contributed. by the Japanese Prime Minister. Prince Konoye, to the “Statist’s” Japanese supplement The article presumably was written very recently and its moderate and friendly tone was in remarkable contrast to current developments of Japanese policy. “1 am sure, I mice Konoye is quoted as writing,

that If a handful of statesmen come forward in both Japan and England with uncircumscribed powers, it will not be difficult to rectify past miscalculations and arrange for the common interests of the two nations to be crystallised into some new concrete and friendly co-operation. A new and better order would. be ushered in, with the elimination of differences which have aiisen in connection with the deplorable China emergency.

This with more to a similar effect, reads pleasantly. At the very’ time when this friendly approach was published, however, Japan, with Prince Konoye at the head of allairs, was shaping a policy which, to say the least, seems in no way calculated to lead to friendly co-operation with Britain.

On Aiwust 23, for example, it was reported that 1 rince Konove had appointed a preparatory commission to establish a new single party system, the membership of the commission indicating u a now set-up with a totalitarian tinge. . Piis is much more in keeping than is the Japanese Prime Minister s article in the “Statist” with recent actual developments of Japanese policy—developments in face of which Britain has for the time being in a measure given way —notably in agreeing temporarily to stop arms traffic to China over the Burma Road and in the'withdrawal of military garrisons from North China..

These concessions by Britain are far enough from being in the nature of co-operation with Japan. They find th.eii lull and sufficient explanation in the extent to which Britain is at present involved in the war against Germany and Italy, and in what it may be hoped are erroneous anticipations in Japan of the probable outcome of the struggle in Europe. As an American writer observed recently:—

The future of British concessions in China, of vital naval bases such as Singapore and Hong Kong, of communications with the Empire, of the Empire itself—all these depend ultimately not on what happens at Tokio, Tientsin, or Shanghai, but on the outcome of the battle for Britain.

Such concessions as Britain has made to Japan imply no change in ruling policy, but only a recognition of the necessity of concentrating on the greatest and most urgent, demands of the moment. The policy of Britain and the British Empire is and will be to seek co-operation with all nations prepared to pursue a peaceful policy and to respect and uphold international law. If Japan wishes to co-operate with Britain she must end what Prince Konoye has called “the deplorable China emergency” by ceasing her aggression against China. The forces now ruling in Japan appear rather td be intent, however, on pursuing such aims as were outlined by one of her Army spokesmen. Colonel Fugita, who predicted last month that “the world will soon be divided into four regions dominated by Germany, Italy, Russia and Japan.”

Hope of defeating these totalitarian aims appears not only in the valiant efforts for victory that British and Allied forces are making in the conflict with Germany and Italy, but in the notable forward step in co-operation between the Englishspeaking nations which has taken concrete shape thus far in the establishment by the United States and Canada of a Joint Defence Board and in the British undertaking to make available to the United States facilities for naval, and air bases in British possessions in the Western Hemisphere.

There is every reason to believe that this is an epoch-making advance in international relationships and a great contribution to future world peace and security. Amongst other things, it points the way to measures of collective security which may be found practicable and very necessary in Europe when totalitarian aggression has been defeated and overthrown. At the same time, it opens up prospects of commanding importance in the Pacific. In the Japanese Press, as well as in other quarters, it has been suggested that the natural sequel to Anglo-American defence co-operation on the Atlantic seaboard of America will be similar co-operation in the Pacific—co-opera-tion in which the British South Pacific Dominions would have their part to play.

Comment in Japan on this possibility has been definitely resentful and critical, but obviously there are no just grounds for objecting to any development pf defence co-operation between the English-speaking nations. A policy on these lines can rest and can be developed on no other basis than that of a mutual desire to do everything that is possible to establish and safeguard peace. Even in Japan it will hardly be suggested that the United States and the British Empire are likely to co-operate for purposes of aggression. It appears to follow that British and American defence eo-operation will be condemned and opposed only by those who object to it on the ground that it will raise new and formidable obstacles to aggression by other nations, as no doubt it will.

EMPIRE WAR LEADERSHIP.

unity of the Empire in the war against Germany ami Italy is demonstrated nowhere more convincingly than in the absence of any serious demand for the constitution of an Imperial War Cabinet, including representatives of the Dominions. The British War Cabinet, headed by Mr 'Winston Churchill, a leader in whom the whole Empire has unquestioning faith, is a compact body, armed with the power of swift decision. The constitution of an Imperial War Cabinet would either be in great part a formality, or would interfere in some degree with Hie efficiency of the existing War Cabinet. It is emphatically a matter of leaving well alone, and certainly no reason will appear for altering that opinion while Mr Churchill and his active colleagues continue to hold as completely as they obviously do at present. the trust of people in every part of the Empire. There is telling force in the contention of the British Air Minister (Sir Archibald Sinclair) that the contribution of each Dominion to the war effort of the Empire is the greatest possible symbol of unify. These contributions are, indeed, more than a symbol. They are in themselves the article and fact of unify. At a later stage, when victory has been won or is definitely in sight, it may become desirable that responsible representatives of the Dominions should go to London lo consult with the British Government, but with the war yet to be fought matters of Imperial representation in London may well remain as Ihev are.

On the other hand, an immediately practical purpose seems likely to be served by the conference, convened by the Government of India, which is to meet shortly at New Delhi. This gathering is lo be attended by a British mission and by representatives of the Dominions and it seems likely that it may open the way to highly important measures of co-operation ami mutual aid in war prepa rat ion. in addition lo the part her troops are playing in the war, India is developing war industries on a very considerable scale and'the conference about to meet is one from which it is possible to anticipate valuable results.