Wairarapa Times-Age TUESDAY, AUGUST 22, 1939 AMERICAN INACTION.

Wairarapa Times-Age, 22 August 1939, Page 4

Wairarapa Times-Age TUESDAY, AUGUST 22, 1939 AMERICAN INACTION.

ACCORDING to the latest poll conducted by the American Institute of Public Opinion, one of yesterday\ cablegrams stated, 76 per cent of the American public now beltexe t. at the United Stales will be drawn into a war a » anist Ge ”' U and Italv. This, of course, is an entirely unofficial sui\ . _< estimate* The American Institute of Public Opinion '* a private business organisation, but its methods ol testin 1 trend of opinion in the American body politic are elaboiat ■ organised and under an extended test its unofhcal polls have attained a remarkable degree ol accuracy. The result, of the latest poll—“not an investigation ol u hat Americans wish, but of what they feel they must expect may be accepted with some confidence as good evidence th. if war breaks out in Europe, the United States sooner or atej will co-operate with the democracies against the dictators ups. The. indicated opinions of an increasing majority ot tht American people bear witness to a common sense appiecia ion of the world situation as it is developing. Apart. Irom any question of sympathy with the European democracies.- it is plain enough'that if these nations were either overthrown or weakened, the United States in her t-nrn would be exposed to totalitarian attack. Certainly she would be faced by a vastly more formidable task than at present m maintaining and upholding the Monroe Doctrine. _ Takiiw it that American opinion is defined with some approach to accuracy in the Institute of Public Opinionl’O'l- - is plain Unit the current foreign policy of the United States is far from giving effective expression to that opinion, tins is a truly tragic state of affairs from the American standpoint and also'from that of other democratic nations. _ The desire to keep out, of war if that be possible is nowhere stronger than in the United Stales, but by the decisions ol Congress in the. session which lately ended the American Government is committed meantime to a policy which conceivably may entail a helpless drift into war. Largely because of feuds and divisions over internal political issues. Congress, in face of the developing crisis in Europe and in spite of the appeals of the Roosevelt Administration, left, unmodified the so-called impartial neutrality law, an enactment which in tact plays directly into the hands of aggressive dictatorships. Under this law, a general ban would be imposed on the export 01. arms and munitions to belligerents, no distinction being drawn between one belligerent or set, of belligerents and another When the neutrality law was lately under discussion, the American Secretary of State, Mr Cordell Hull, declared that : “The peace and security of the United States require the Administration to continue to seek changes in the neutiality law.” Congress, however, ret used to change the neutiality la-w, and it is not impossible that in taking that stand it cast the’die for a war in which the United States ultimately will be involved. t ( The Washington correspondent of the New i ork rleraldTribune” was quoted yesterday as stating that it would not be surprising if President' Roosevelt, on his return next week from his holiday cruise, should intervene in Europe and “fire another shot for peace.” It is by no means certain, however, that, it remains open to Air Roosevelt to take effective action on these lines. Not only are events in Europe tending inevitably to follow their owii course, but, the political divisions and complications in the United States which made it, impossible to secure the amendment, of the neutrality law have still to be reckoned with. _ • , Had conditions of internal political placidity ruled m the United States, there is not much doubt that, t he President would have been able to speak and act with decisive effect on behall. of the American nation in the interests of European and world peace. An announcement that American resources would be thrown into the scale against aggression, even in measures short of war, would have done much to lighten and lessen the dangers of the existing situation. With American politics in their present state, however, it, is extremely doubtful if it is or will be open to the President to make any announcement of the kind. Many’ American politicians, and presumably, many 7 of their supporters, are too much engrossed in opposing Air Roosevelt’s radical inclinations in domestic policy 7 and in blocking any 7 attempt on his part to secure election for a third term as President, to give serious attention to the dangers that are developing in Europe. Save to those who are involved very 7 deeply 7 in political feuds, however, it must be fairly clear that these dangers embody an ultimate threat, to the United States. That the. American Government should be condemned to inaction and helpless passivity’ while the witches’ brew of the war-mongers is simmering to the hoi I in. Europe is an almost overwhelming misfortune. Not. as one sardonic American writer has put, it, because “England expects every American Io do his duly,” but because American interests are supremely involved, the United States should in this critical hour be making the whole weight of its immensely 7 powerful influence tell, for peace. It, is in upholding peace that the United States might, render the greatest imaginable service to humanity within and beyond her own borders. There is reason to tear that her absorption in backyard politics makes her incapable of rendering that service ami it is a poor consolation to believe, as may’ be believed with some confidence,, that if war breaks out in Europe, the United States will be bound sooner or later to take her stand with the 1 democracies of the Old World. RIGHTS AND WRONGS IN CHINA. CURIOUSLY as it is resented by the .Japanese, the stand taken b,v the British Government with reference'to the scope ol the Anglo-Japanese discussions at Tokio will be approved heartily by all who are of opinion that treaty’ obligations should be upheld honestly. When. Ilie formula on which the Tokio discussions are based was made public, an unfortunate impression was conveyed that Britain was committing herself in some measure to co-operation with the .Japanese invaders of China. Under tin 1 formula. Britain recognises that, large scale hostilities are in progress in China and notes that as long as that state of affairs continues to exist Japan's forces in China have special requirements for the purpose of safeguarding their own security and maintaining public order in regions under their control, and that they have to suppress or remove any such acts or causes as will obstruct them or benefit their enemy. . . This, to say 1 he least, seemed to pass much too lightly over the fact that the .Japanese are engaged in China in an entirely lawless invasion, in deliberate violation ol Hie Nine l J ower Treaty to which .Japan, Britain, China and oilier nations were original parties. In her stand al. Tokio, however, Britain has made it dear that, she regards the formula as embodying an agreement, ol definitely limited scope, relating chiefly to police matters at Tientsin, not affecting the administrative integrity ol tne British Concession, and leaving Britain free to retuse to discuss economic questions of wide scope on an Anglo-Japanese basis, or in any conditions save those in which the interests ol all parties can lie safeguarded. Britain is thus refusing to con nt ei m i ice in any respect what ever Japa n s v iolal ion ol treaty provisions which were designed, not only to safeguard loreign interests in I he Ear East, bill Io guarantee the independence anil integrity of China. What is to lie the outcome has yet to appear, lint while Japan is refusing angrily to enter into any discussion of the Nine Power Treaty, it is something Io tlie good that Britain has received unqualified assurances of support from Eranee and the Jbiited States in her rejection of the •Japanese demand that Chinese economic questions should be included in. the Tokio talks.