THE TWO SIDES OF THE QUESTION

Wairarapa Standard, Volume II, Issue 60, 22 February 1868, Page 3

THE TWO SIDES OF THE QUESTION

Mr Fox in a speech at a dinner given to Him in Wanganui has declared himself in favor of Provincialism and we regret that the length of bis speech prevents us giving it in extenso. In the present article we wish to give the views of the ultra-provincialist party as represented by Mr Fox and those of the other side as represented by Sir David Munro in an address to the Xelson Reform League. With reference to the speech of the latter we are compelled to pick out only a few extracts as his speech was one of considerable length, occupying the space of eight columns of close printed matter. First then for Mr Fox as reported by the “Wanganui Chronicle —

I should consider that I was not acting a manly part if I did not, on this, which I con■gider my first appearance in New Zealand since ■my return, state to you the principles which would guide me if I should at any future • occasion happen to again take an active part in the affairs of the colony. At the same time I •cannot but remember that in three years of my absence, during which time my only information on colonial affairs, by newspapers and letters, was meagre and often contradictory, aud remembering that I have been little over three weeks in the colony, during which time I have been as some military gentlemen always are “ on urgent private business”—in these circumstances it would not be right, but rather rash and impolitic to enter into details of even the more prominent topics. I shall only state the broad lines of principle which would guide me in the future. One of my first works in Xcw Zealand, sir, was to aid in onr long struggles in obtaining the inestimable gift of representative institutions. And, sir, I adhere to the general principles and framework of 18-51. I approve with my whole heart of that constitution; I heleive that the General Government and Provincial Institutions are particularly adapted to the people—distinct, yet united I think it was eminently suited to a colony like New Zealand. Still, there were imperfections in it which it had been well if they were avoided. William 33wart Gladstone, on the second reading of the Constitutution Act, took certain exceptions to it in a speech which I myself heard, and which if agreed to we should not have seen such bitter struggles between the centralists and provincialists. Mr. Gladstone, on that occasion, said that if thirteen subjects or matters were excepted from provincial rule, the General Government should he limited to these thirteen, otherwise it would lead to misconduct or confusion. It has been the part of •the Central Government to break up the provinces and ride rough-shod over them (cheers.) It is not a matter of supprise, then, that as a question of principle I am a thorough and devoted Provinciahst, and I do still believe that the salvation of the colony depends on that part of the Constitution Act which provides for the governmeutof the colony by Provincial Institutions, I do not by this bind myself to any particular policy. There are new circumstances, which have made a revolution in the colony. A great population has set in for the Middle Island, attracted not so much by the land as by the f goldfields opened to them —I have seen this population flocking in with political rights to be respected. A great native war has occurred, rending the bonds of union between the two races—a war crushed out by the colonial government and colonial forces, and the natives reduced to obedience to law and order ;lastely, I have seen a number of Provincial Governments placed in financial difficulties, the end of which is not to be seen; in some instances, one at least, they seem ready in their despair to abandon their political rights and give -themselves over to any government which can afford them relief. I say this is not the part of brave men, who should rather stay as they are than take refuge iu such degradation. •(Applause.) But, however much I may be •devoted to provincialism—however much I may seek to restore federation—attached as I may be to the Constitution—there may be means required to supplement these institutions ; but not to seek refuge from difficulties la sweeping them away, but rather to improve

them so as to meet the increasing wants of a growing population, and add whatever has been found detective. And who are they who have attacked the provinces? They are the very men who at the beginning resisted the iatoduction of representative institutions, who have since sheltered themselves under there wings, but having provided for themselves, are now the first to crow over their downfall, and I warn you against these men—they would not stop, after destroying provincial institutions, but would hand you over to the Colonial office. * ' * * * * *

He concluded by saying that he was not aware he had any further point to state to the meeting, except repeating in a general way that he took the Constitution Act, whether it was read one way or another, backward or forward, he would support it as a Democratic Constitution with the abolition of monarchial institutions, when manhood would be in force in this colony, and when they would be following in the wake of the great Democracy of America. Now we will proceed to cull from Sir David Monro’s address to the Financial Reform League, at Nelson, entitled, “ Provincial Governments the, cause of our financial depression.” After showing that the taxation of the country is_(as we unfortunately too well know), excessive, he shows by an able calculation that the contribution per individual to the annual revenue is £6 2s 6d in New Zealand as against £2 16s in England. He says;

“ The inhabitant of the British Islands is proverbially assumed to be one of the most heavily-taxed individuals in existence. I have heard many persons out here declare, that one of their chief reasons for emigrating was to escape the taxes of the old country, lam afraid that they must, ere this, have made the discovery that in fleeing from Scylla, they have fallen into Charybdis; or to use a much more homely expression, that they have jumped out of the fryingpan into the fire. * * * We have a General Government in the colony and we have nine Provincial Governments. These different Governments, General and Provincial, have a common interest in the revenue raised by taxa ion. The General Assembly has the first pull at the revenue, and it votes what is required for the Colonial Service. But when it is done, the balance remains for the use of the provinces. Tney are in the position of residuary legatees. They are entitled to all that the General Assembly does not vote. It is therefore clearly their interest that that residue should be as large as possible. But this is not the whole, nor the best of the thing, looking as it as a species of grim joke ; and surely, if it ever wera allowable to laugh at political anomalies, one might laugh at this. The men who compose Ihe Provincial Legislatures, and the men who compose the General Assembly, are practically one and the same body. The Assembly is an agregate of provincial representations. Ido not mean to say that there are not men in it who take larger views of their duty, and who are capable of looking beyond the narrow circle of their provinces. But as a general rule—true it is, and it ii a melancholy truth—the Assembly consists of an aggregate of provincial representations, and the interest of the particular province with which the representative is connected in to many cases appears to be considered by him as his primary duty. The provinces may thus be said not only to be residuary legatees, but at the same time testators. At all events, they have the powers to place enormous burdens on the back of the unhappy colony; and they have every inducement to do so, because the larger these burdens the larger is the share of the revenue to be applied to local purposes. Can any one reasonably expect a low scale of taxation with such a state of things as this ?

This sum of £183,000 is not all that the colony lost last year by its dealings with the provinces. There was another sum of money which the provinces of the North Island had a portion of the Three Million Loan which was applied to roadmaking and immigration within their boundaries. It had been decided that these provinces were to pay the amounts thus spent; and an Act was passed in 1865 making this payment a legal charge upon their revenues. The sum thus to be repaid was £244,254. But last year it was deemed necessary to remit this payment also. Some of the provinces could not pay it, and I suppose none of them liked to pay it. With the exception of some small arrears, amounting to £35,000, the amount was remitted, say £209,000; add to this the excess of surplus revenue, as already explained, and we have the colony mulcted in one year to the tune of £452,000. And let the true character of the operation be distinctly understood. This £452,000 is money spent in excess of the large legal provision made for the requirements of the provinces; in excess of the land fund: in excess of the ,l Surplus Revenues Act; in a manner in fact, that required that it should be rectified by subsequent legislation. Here alone is an addition, through provincial expenditure, of upwards of £2 a head to the national debt of the colony for every man, woman, and child that it contains, and of some three or four shillings to the annual taxes of each of us.

It has been proclaimed to the people of New Zealand over and over ag;in, by the organs of the provincial party, that u is the extravagance of the General Government that is the cause of the great taxation of the colony, and more especially the native war and the Three Million Loan. Now, I am not here to defend all the proceedings of the General Government I believe that a good deal of money has been spent that might have been saved; and, in some cases, there has been departmental expenditure which might have been avoided: but, as a general statement of the case, I maintain that such an assertion is altogether at variance with the facts. There is this difference between the expenditure of the General and Provincial Governments—that the first was laid out on that may be called the necessaries of life; the last, as we may say, upon its luxuries. The expenditure upon the native rebellion was a thing we could not avoid It was forced upon us. It was a matter of life and death. It was quite impossible for us to see the properties and lives of our fellowsettlers threatened to be taken by a set of merciless savages, and not to use every exertion of which we were capable for their protection. The means we adopted may not have been the wisest, now that we back upon them; but they were the wisest that occurred to us at the time; and, in justice to those upon whom the responsibility of holding the colonial helm devolved at that itme, it should not be forgotten that the emergency was very great, and the difficulties most perplexing. But it was impossible for us to avoid the expenditure of that time, and I cannot think that any intelligent colonists of New Zealand .can have escaped the belief that in all human probability the time would come when there would be a conflict between the aboriginal race and the colonists, and that that conflict would be a matter of very considerable expense. I can

only say, for my part, that if we have seen the last of these difficulties, I for one shall be very well content.

I conceive that the inevitable tendency of our institutions is towards the killing of the goose. I don’t see how the goose can possibly be expected to survive and be allowed to lay its eggs according to the order of nature. Provincialism must inevitably result in the performance of the Caesarean operation. Por our community, which, as far as possible, should be one, is broken up into minor political communities clothed with most extensive powers, each bent upon developing the material prosperity of its own particular locality. And who can blame them ? I don’t, for one. I may deplore this sta e of things, and wish it altered bnt I cannot be surprised at the results. The fact is that we have been attempting ah impossibility. You cannot have Provincial Institutions, as they exist, alongside of a Colonial Government. The one must destroy the other, or the two together will destroy the colony. We take a set of gentlemen with ideas and views moulded by the existing state of things, and we expect them to manage the affairs of the colony. Their sympathies are not with the colony, but with the provinces. Have we a right to blame these gentlemen, if, in obedience to the natural forces of our institutions, they exhibit provincial sympathies, and tax the colony, and compel borrowing for the provinces ? We have nobody to blame hut ourselves if we see the the results of such a form of government, and don’t take steps to alter it. * * * I consider Provincial institutions, qs we are working them (and in their existing form they are very different from the Provincial institutions of the Constitution Act) to be absolutely incompatible with a Colonial government which shall deserve that title; and I therefore. say plainly and at once that while the Provinces exist, at all events in their present form, I despair of the good government of the Colony.

I can understand a government by Provinces alone: if we are contented to fall back upon the political arrangements ofsemi-barbar-ous days. I can also understand a government like that of our native land, or of most of her Colonies; in which one legislature is responsible for the laws under which the people are to live, aud for the burdens they are to bear. But I cannot understand the system we have been and still are attempting to work, in which we have a partnership between a socalled General Government, and the nine local Governments; nominally subordinate but really in its most important functions controlling it, and directing its action. It may be, perhaps, that I take an unduly gloomy view of.it. But to my imperfect lights upon these subjects, our constitution appears to me to contain within itself the germs of inevitable failure and disaster.

If there were no Provincial Governments, but instead of them one Government for the colony, with District Boards for all local matters, I should expect another result of a most important character, not only in public but private life, and that is an amount Of sobriety which would offer a most pleasing contrast to the intoxication which has prevailed. The way in which we have been carrying on things in New New Zealand would lead any one to suppose that we had a boundless amount of leisure and of means. They are the very things we are particularly short' of. Every minute and every sixpence are of the utmost value to a colonist. But look at our proceedings. In addition to the General Assembly, we have nine little local Parliaments reading, their bills a first, second, and third time, receiving messages from their Superintendents meeting by proclamation and going through the Imperial forms of prorogation and-dissolu-tion. And we have nine Executive Councils, composed of grave and learned gentlemen filling important offices, meeting at regular intorvals, and considering among others such questions as the propriety of putting a bridge across some rivulet or other, or laying out a new line of road.