GENERAL ELECTION.
OPENING OF WAIKATO CAMPAIGN. MR J. A. YOUNG AT .TE ' AWAMUTU. A large audience greeted Mr J. A. Young at the Town Hall, Te Awamutu, last night on the occasion of his opening electioneering address. Had the weather been more propitious it is doubtful if the seating accommodation would have been sufficient. This was not only complimentary to the speaker, but is an indication that more than ordinary interest is being taken in the'coming election. Mr C. Bowden (chairman of the Town Board) presided and introduced the candidate.
Mr Young on rising was greeted with applause. He was pleased to renew acquaintance with Te Awamutu, which held many pleasant recollections for him, he having known it for 18 years, for 15 of which he had had close connection with it through this branch business. He was pleas-' ed to see the" signs of solid progress, and regarded it as .a healthy sign to be discussing water sewerage and other questions. As to his qualifications, he claimed that 12 year's experience as a member of different local bodies, and nearly 3 years i as chief eitizen of Hamilton had fitted him for the higher position of member for Waikato. He was native born, and had the interests of his country at heart, and was out for clean Government. He might be asked why he did not stand for Tauranga, but the alteration of the boundaries had settled that question, as the Waikato Electorate now took in that part of the country wherein he was best known. A further explanation was here necessary to save any misconception. It had been stated, and correctly so, that he had stood as a supporter of the Ward Government in 1908. It was further stated, but with no truth, that he had changed his politics. His platform to-day was precisely as in 1908, in proof of which he quoted extensively from his policy speech prior to the last general election. Since that date, however, he had come to the conclusion that there was no hope of the present administration following on the lines which he credited them with at that time; therefore, while he stuck to his principles, they had gone back on theirs, hence the parting of the ways,
for he was not out to blindly follow any party. Principles were and always would be first with him. Government of the people, by the people, for the people was the doctnhe. Sir George Grey and John Ballance, the founders of Liberalism in New Zealand; but the doctrine of the present administration was government of the people by a party for the party, which was rotten in the extreme, and no good to any country, and he was out to fight it to the bitter end. For that purpose he would leave no stone unturned to break down the present party system, for under it the chief and only aim and object of a government was security of place and power rather than. the country's good. He favoured the election by ballot of the Ministry by the members themselves on a proportional representation basis, thus ensuring the .best men in the House having a seat on the Executive which would give fair representation to all parties. Under the present system a man threw his principles to the wind to save his party when in a tight corner. This was bad for the country and utterly rotten in principle. The present administration was living on the reputation of the late Mr Seddon and the founders of the Liberal party. But the time had arrived when this state of things must stop. They were practically sidetracked now. Vast sums of money had been borrowed, till the national debt was £3o per capita. ' Borrowing was necessary to develop any young country. The economic existence of the Dominion depended upon an excess of exports over imports. Nine-tenths of the value of the Dominions products came directly from the land, therefore it is all important that the land legislation should be on a sound and solid basis. The present administration had absolutely no land policy as far as the 1911 Budget was concerned. In IQoS the Minister for Lands (Hen. R. McNab) introduced a Land Bill with a flourish of trumpets and swore by all that was good, bad, and indifferent, that he would | stand or fall by it, further than that the whole administration pledged themselves, but what was the result, it proved to be merely an empty boast. A year later they compromised and split their measure into three bits, since then they have no definite land policy, and on that account, if for no other reason, they are unfit to sit on the Treasury 'benches and he would oust them or any other party who failed to recognise the absolute need for sound land legislation. He considered there was only one satisfactory tenure, the freehold (loud applause). All crown tenants should be given the right to acquire the freehold. The lease in perpetuity tenants shoald also be given right of purchase at either the aciurial value or the original value plus one per cent. He considered it the duty of the State to have some regard for those applicants for land who were unsuccessful at the ballots. The State should hustle round and find land for these people and keep them in the country. Any money derived from sale of Crown lands should be held for the special burpose of procuring more land. He would always favour the freehold, it was the only satisfactory tenure. The leaseholder took all he could out of the land and did not care, nor could he be blamed for not caring how he left it, while the freeholder put all he could into the land, making it his bank. The wealth of the country came from the work done upon the land, therefore every industrious worker was a wealth producer. The present system of Assessment Courts was wrong because the objector was not represented. The Government and local bodies between them had two representatives, the landowner none. This was neither reasonable nor fair. The Native Lands administration was rotten in the extreme and that was the main ground upon which he considered the Government should be thrown from office. The heart breaking delay in any finality where native land transactions were concerned was disgraceful and worse. Under the present system the Maori sat tight and bred rabbits and noxious weeds while the white man ran roads and railways through his lands and increased their values enormously. There are over seven million.acres ol native, land in the North Island, two millions of which are leasee 1 and half a million are occupied and more or less ' worked by the natives. The balance of live million acres lies idle and unproductive. This land at a very low estimate would carry nearly three million sheep. How the native is fattening on the white man's industry is very
glaringly shown from the fact that the value of Maori lands has increased since 1895 from £3,000,000 to over £11,000,000; although the area to-day is nearly three million acres less than in 1895. So that the poor downtrodden untaxed native is £10,000,000 better off than he was 16 years ago. The owners' interests in native lands should be individualised. The Maori should be placed on the same footing as the pakeha. There was only one way to save the Maori and that was work. The speaker would like to see every Maori a valuable citizen; but while the present policy was pursued, he must go backward rather than forward. The natives' only salvation was work. The present system by which the party in power could pack the Legislative Council was a state of things to be deplored. It was not. democratic. Where was its value and use if its members were drawn only from the good and faithful of the party? He would prefer an Upper House with no power of veto, or in lieu of that an elective institution. The Civil Service should not be under political control. A Board should be appointed, and merit should count. Civilservantsshould have civil rights. The Appeal Board's decision should be final. The right of veto by the political head was unreasonable and unjust in the extreme. The Minister of Railways was a far remove from a democrat, he was indeed an autocrat. That department needed more practical management. Its officers were sweated and it was worked rather for the convenience of the department then,the requirements of the public. The second ballot was most unsatisfactory being both costly and clumsy. The cost of the 23 second bailots in was £6474. He favoured the preferential ballot as* both simple and effective. He was opposed to any curtailment of the powers of local bodies. The present system of Government grants was simply used as a lever to hold office, and the way in which these grants were worked and promises of them made immediately before election time was a public scandal, and the Government seemed to think that the country is full of fools and asses, who will never see through their game, but the end was nearer than -some people might think. It was scandalous tnat public money could be so used, and he was out to stop this buying of place and power. Reference was made to the system obtaining in England, where applications for grants are dealt with by a special committee of the Treasury. Four years ago the promise was made in the Budget that £250,000 would be spent annually on back blocks roads tor lour years. As showing the insincerity of the Government only £394,000 has been spent up till now, so that the back block sejtler whom the Government professes s 'to have so much love for, has been robbed of nearly four thousand pounds during the last three years. The speaker here explained that the Reform Party had asked him to outline his policy which he did, but before doing so stated that he would make public all that transpired. There was absolutely no arrangement or compact between him and the Reform Party. He favoured legislation prohibiting M.'sP. from accepting any commissions. If elected he would be a strong advocate of their local claims and anything required for the district would have to be done through the local body, and not through any local wire-puller. In conclusion he repeated he was out for principle not for party, for measures not for men. (Loud applause). QUESTIONS. He would favour bare majority for national prohibition, and 55 per cent for local option. He was not favorable to the abolition of the totalisator, but would not recognise the bookmaker.
Pie was not yet prepared to go to the extent to say that tlie State should subsidise private schools, but where they educated up to a certain standard they were deserving of special facilities.
The individualising of native lands was not an impossibility. Where several owners were concerned in a 'small piece of land, this should be taken over by the Government, and other land given in exchange, so that the mdividualisation should be successfully carried out. The taxing of Maori lands presented difficulties under the Treaty of Waitangi. Before any native land be traded it should be brought under the Land Transfer Act. It would then be rateable. Pie favoured workmen's dwellings and townplanning. Had nothing to say for or against the sitting member. Would leave him to speak for himself. Was out to break up
h; present party system. Would lavor tax on totalisator going to A. and P. Associations's for the encouragement of breeding good useful horses.
Mr Francis Quin proposed a hearty vote of thanks to Mr Young for his able address and confidence in him as the right man to represent Waikato in Parliament. This was seconded by Mr Harry Weal. An amendment by Mr James Elliott that the vote be of thanks only was lost, the motion being carried with great applause.
A vote of thanks to the chair closed the meeting. , ___
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Bibliographic details
Waipa Post, Volume II, Issue 53, 17 October 1911, Page 3
Word Count
2,020GENERAL ELECTION. Waipa Post, Volume II, Issue 53, 17 October 1911, Page 3
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