The Waipawa Mail WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1878.

Waipawa Mail, Volume I, Issue 24, 4 December 1878, Page 2

The Waipawa Mail WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1878.

It has at length been definitely decided that a Commission should be sent Home from Victoria, with the object of inducing the Imperial Parliament to make such alterations in the Constitution Act as would prevent the repetition of deadlocks between the two branches of the Legislature in the future. The Melbourne delegates are Mr Graham Berry, Sir Charles Gavan Duffy, and Professor Pearson. They carry with them a scheme of their own, but it is exceedingly improbable that the English Parliament will adopt it. The scheme contains the principle of the plebiscite, and that has hitherto formed no part of the parliamentary institutions of any British people. The proposition of the Berry party is that any Bill which has passed the Dower House by a clear majority of its members in two different years, shall then become law, the sanction of the Legislative Council not being absolutely required. However, the latter body can appeal to the people, and the electors shall be asked to vote simply “ yes ” or “ no ” no the Bill. Both parties must abido by the verdict of the country on the measure. It is easy to understand that the friends of the Legislative Council in Victoria are strongly opposed to the principle of the plebiscite. It would simply be an appeal from the representatives in Parliament to their constituents in the country. There would not be the shadow of a chance of the Victorian people vetoing any measure which had passed the Legislative Assembly twice. There is perhaps no country in the world where the “ people’s chamber ” more faithfully represents the people than in Victoria. In fact, it is a well-founded complaint that the representatives are reduced to the level of mere delegates. The country is appealed to on every possible occasion, and it invariably endorses the democratic ticket. If Mr Berry’s scheme were adopted, it would virtually be the death-knell of the bicameral system of government in Victoria. One Chamber would virtually be entrusted with the sole government of the colony, save any checks which might be put on by the representative of Her Majesty. Unless the power of the Legislative Council is to be reduced to a fiction, we see no way to prevent the preserving of a deadlock in the future. The display of good temper, tact, and forbearance is the only way of possessing harmony between the two Houses. Since the Victorian Constitution Act came into force there has been a declared war between the two branches of the Legislature. They represented entirely different interests. The members of the Legislative Assembly without doubt represented the great body of the people; whilst the Council claimed that it represented almost the entire property of the country. A mistake was made at the outset. The Upper House

should not have represented one section of the community only—the acquired wealth of a few years. Experience, ability, and education should have been the leading elements in an Upper House. Such a body would not necessarily have been antagonistic to the interests of the* people. Whilst the advanced section of democracy in New Zealand are railing againßt a nominated Legislative Council, the Radicals of Victoria declare that an elected second Chamber renders the Constitution unworkable. We believe the outcome of the trouble in Victoria will be the adoption of the nominative principle. It is in perfect harmony with the spirit of British institutions. The mass of the Victorian people will be content to change the present mode of appointing their “ Lords,” but the “ Lords” themselves will strongly object to being converted into a nominative body. The appointments to the Legislative Council will be virtually vested in the hands of the Ministry of the day. 111-will between the contending parties in the State has reached such a stage in Victoria, that it may be reasonably feared that the Radical Ministries which guide the destinies of Victoria would be influenced solely by party motives in the selection of Legislative Councillors. The spectacle might then be presented of an Upper House more violently democratic than the Lower Chamber. The outcome of the Victorian difficulty should concern the people of New Zealand. The result will influence the institutions of the neighboring colonies. Many advanced thinkers are of opinion that the legislation of the future will be vested in a single Chamber ; that the bicameral system is illogical, and that as each section of the community approaches the other in political power and intelligence, it will be unworkable. It is held that one Board of Directors should be amply sufficient to regulate the affairs of a nation. The powers to the Upper House in Victoria cannot be curtailed without robbing it of all authority. Take away the power of bar legislation and what remains ? By cablegram we were informed a few days ago that the London Times stated that the Home authorities would probably be able to devise a remedy for Victorian ills, which would satisfy all parties in that colony. It is to be hoped so, but grave doubts are entertained on the subject. The Victorian crisis has ended, and things now are running smoothly; but Mr G-raham Berry and his party are forcing a qurrel with the Upper House, and will not be satisfied with a temporising measure. Either a great change will take place, or affairs will remain very nearly the same as they are at j)resent.